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The defeat of 1940 and its aftermath stimulated a wide-ranging debate in France about the causes of national decline and the possible sources of renewal. During the period between 1940 and 1946, and in particular in the two years after the liberation in 1944, most of the nation's political, social and economic structures were re-examined. A multitude of plans and programmes were elaborated with a view to carrying through significant reforms after the war had ended. The aim of this dissertation is to review the process of rethinking. Its major focus is on the ideas of national political elites, although it also attempts, wherever possible, to draw on sources nearer the grass roots. The dissertation is divided into two parts. The first part considers the postwar plans formulated, in the months around the Liberation, by the new elites of 1944: the Resistance movements, the Free France organisation, General de Gaulle, and the three dominant political parties (the Communist party, the Socialist party, and the Christian Democratic M.R.P.). These chapters deal, in general terms, with the reformist ideologies of the above groups, and also, in particular, with the ways in which they approached the problems of planning for the postwar period. A second group of chapters examines the rethinking in a thematic sense. This part traces the development of reformist ideas on a number of the issues which were identified as particularly crucial to a future national recovery: the political and constitutional regime; the form of the French empire and its relation to the <i>metropole</i>; the structures of the French economy; and the problems of French society (specifically, of the educational system and of relations between labour and capital). A thematic approach places the views of the national political leaders in a broader context by including the ideas of civil servants, intellectuals, pamphleteers, and other non-political figures. It also permits some observations about the political vocabulary of renewal - a vocabulary which reflected both consensus and ambiguity.

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Por muito tempo, fruto da filosofia antiga e, de certa forma, também da renascentista, a democracia foi erigida a um modelo de ídolo, um regime perfeito que deveria ser seguido pelos modelos reais. O trabalho de Nietzsche, nessa seara, rompeu com a ideia dos ídolos, dentre eles a democracia, identificando como químera a crença em tais tradições ou modelos perfeitos. Embora seu trabalho tenha sido útil nesse tocante, é certo que Nietzsche é um desconstrutivista. Por essa razão, cabe-nos analisar a questão da idolatria democrática e, com base na genealogia nietzschiana, tentar construir um modelo realizável de democracia. Nas atuais circunstâncias institucionais, a identificação de um modelo de democracia que apresenta graves falhas e ranhuras é imprescindível para saber até que ponto se busca atingir um modelo democrático, ou se a busca, na verdade, representa uma ilusão vivenciada em pleno seio da democracia. Na verdade, a crise institucional brasileira se deve em grande parte às frustrações decorrentes de se perquirir um modelo inalcançável e desafinado com a realidade democrática nacional. E é justamente na fuga de uma democracia idolatra que se mostra pleno o caminho para superação dos fundamentos das insatisfações populares, realçando-se com mais profundidade os aspectos peculiares da democracia em processo brasileira. A própria crise de representatividade é um dos aspectos, como se verá, em que a perspectiva ideal apenas serve para agredir ainda mais a já combalida instituição da representação popular. Sem uma democracia possível, o país lutará eternamente para tentar remediar um ciclo infinito de crise, atacando suas consequências, jamais as causas. O objetivo deste trabalho, para além da descontrução de Nietzsche, foi abordar, de maneira exemplar, alguns aspectos em que o ídolo democracia não advoga em prol das nossas instituições e, na prática, analisar a viabilidade de uma reforma política realista. / For a long time, fruit of ancient and, in a way, renaissancist philosophy, democracy was built into an \"idol\" model, a perfect regimen that should be followed by the real models. Nietzche\'s work, in that field, broke through the idol concept, among them, democracy, seeing like chimera the belief in such traditions or perfect models. Although his work has been helpful in this particular issue, it\'s certain that Nietzsche exercises a deconstruction method. That\'s why it\'s up to us to analyze the democratic idolatry issue and, based on Nietzsche\'s genealogy, try to built an achivable democracy \"model\". In the current institutional circumstances. The identification of a model of democracy that has serious flaws and grooves is essential to know to what extent it seeks to achieve a democratic model, our if the ssek, as a matter of fact, represents an illusion experienced in deep core of democracy. Actually, the institutional brazillian crises is being caused by the frustrations arising from assert an unattainable and discord model with the national democratic reality. And it\'s precisely in the escape from an idolater democracy that the full path to overcoming the fundamentals of popular dissatisfaction shows itself, deeply highlightining the peculiar aspects of the processing brazillian democracy. The crisis of representation, itself, is one of the aspects, as we will see, wherein the optimal approach only serves to further harm the already battered institution of popular representation. Without a possible democracy, the country will fight forever to try to remedy an endless cycle of crisis, attacking its consequencies, never the reasons. The aim of this thesis, beyond Nietzsche deconstructive method, was approach, in an exemplary manner, some aspects where the idol democracy does not advocate on behalf of our institutions and, in practice, examine the feasibility of a realistic political reform.

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Por muito tempo, fruto da filosofia antiga e, de certa forma, também da renascentista, a democracia foi erigida a um modelo de ídolo, um regime perfeito que deveria ser seguido pelos modelos reais. O trabalho de Nietzsche, nessa seara, rompeu com a ideia dos ídolos, dentre eles a democracia, identificando como químera a crença em tais tradições ou modelos perfeitos. Embora seu trabalho tenha sido útil nesse tocante, é certo que Nietzsche é um desconstrutivista. Por essa razão, cabe-nos analisar a questão da idolatria democrática e, com base na genealogia nietzschiana, tentar construir um modelo realizável de democracia. Nas atuais circunstâncias institucionais, a identificação de um modelo de democracia que apresenta graves falhas e ranhuras é imprescindível para saber até que ponto se busca atingir um modelo democrático, ou se a busca, na verdade, representa uma ilusão vivenciada em pleno seio da democracia. Na verdade, a crise institucional brasileira se deve em grande parte às frustrações decorrentes de se perquirir um modelo inalcançável e desafinado com a realidade democrática nacional. E é justamente na fuga de uma democracia idolatra que se mostra pleno o caminho para superação dos fundamentos das insatisfações populares, realçando-se com mais profundidade os aspectos peculiares da democracia em processo brasileira. A própria crise de representatividade é um dos aspectos, como se verá, em que a perspectiva ideal apenas serve para agredir ainda mais a já combalida instituição da representação popular. Sem uma democracia possível, o país lutará eternamente para tentar remediar um ciclo infinito de crise, atacando suas consequências, jamais as causas. O objetivo deste trabalho, para além da descontrução de Nietzsche, foi abordar, de maneira exemplar, alguns aspectos em que o ídolo democracia não advoga em prol das nossas instituições e, na prática, analisar a viabilidade de uma reforma política realista. / For a long time, fruit of ancient and, in a way, renaissancist philosophy, democracy was built into an \"idol\" model, a perfect regimen that should be followed by the real models. Nietzche\'s work, in that field, broke through the idol concept, among them, democracy, seeing like chimera the belief in such traditions or perfect models. Although his work has been helpful in this particular issue, it\'s certain that Nietzsche exercises a deconstruction method. That\'s why it\'s up to us to analyze the democratic idolatry issue and, based on Nietzsche\'s genealogy, try to built an achivable democracy \"model\". In the current institutional circumstances. The identification of a model of democracy that has serious flaws and grooves is essential to know to what extent it seeks to achieve a democratic model, our if the ssek, as a matter of fact, represents an illusion experienced in deep core of democracy. Actually, the institutional brazillian crises is being caused by the frustrations arising from assert an unattainable and discord model with the national democratic reality. And it\'s precisely in the escape from an idolater democracy that the full path to overcoming the fundamentals of popular dissatisfaction shows itself, deeply highlightining the peculiar aspects of the processing brazillian democracy. The crisis of representation, itself, is one of the aspects, as we will see, wherein the optimal approach only serves to further harm the already battered institution of popular representation. Without a possible democracy, the country will fight forever to try to remedy an endless cycle of crisis, attacking its consequencies, never the reasons. The aim of this thesis, beyond Nietzsche deconstructive method, was approach, in an exemplary manner, some aspects where the idol democracy does not advocate on behalf of our institutions and, in practice, examine the feasibility of a realistic political reform.

No / The victory of former lieutenant colonel Hugo Chavez in the Venezuelan presidential elections of 1998 was criticized as a blow against the country's deep-seated democratic tradition. It is claimed that this simplistic argument fails to recognize the extent of democratic deterioration in the country and the limitations imposed by discredited political actors on a meaningful democratic reform process. The book aims to break new ground in providing unseen evidence of electoral fraud and offers a fresh perspective on the nature of democratic development.

This dissertation discusses United Arab Emirates (UAE) state-society relations in historical perspective; analyses qualitatively the Emirati political culture; examines how the latter affects governmental policies in the UAE; and evaluates both qualitatively and quantitatively the political orientations and values of the Emirati educated youth. Through a discussion of existing theoretical and conceptual approaches, and the observation of the UAE case study, it argues that an important and overlooked dimension among students of state-society relations in authoritarian rentier states is citizens’ political culture, which should nonetheless be examined within a more integrative framework of analysis. Accordingly, this study employs a refined version of the holistic ‘state-in-society’ approach (Kamrava, 2008), in combination with rentier state theory (RST) and the political culture perspective (Almond & Verba, 1963), to qualitatively discuss the general Emirati political culture (agency/input), and assess how the latter affects governmental performance/policies (output); and to evaluate, both qualitatively and quantitatively, the political culture of the educated Emirati youth as the main potential supporters or opponents (agency/input) of the ruling elite. Adding to the debate around the continued significance and scope of RST, the dissertation concludes that the rentier nature of a state does not necessarily determine its people´s lack of interest in politics, but can actually empower them to challenge authoritarianism through political socialization. The historical approach to UAE political movements and discussion about contemporary political standpoints demonstrate that governmental policies (redistributive, co-optative, repressive, or reformist) are mainly driven by domestic pressure and run parallel to historical development of domestic political activism. Hence, rentierism by itself does is not sufficient to explain state-society relations in the Gulf region. Finally, the analysis and measurement of cognitive, affective and evaluative political orientations of Emirati UAEU students reflects that there is adherence to ‘post-materialistic’ and ‘self-expression’ values among important sectors of the Emirati educated youth, which are associated with the emergence of a participative political culture (Inglehart & Welzel, 2005): an ‘aspiring participant’ political culture.

Thesis advisor: David A. Deese / Throughout the last fifteen years, the phenomenon of International Election Monitoring (IEM) has become increasingly widespread. IEM works to enhance the credibility and transparency of elections; over time, as the outcome of one election (and the success of IEM) conditions the electoral context of future elections, IEM can encourage internal political reform. In a number of states, particularly in Latin America, monitoring efforts have succeeded in steadily improving domestic political conditions and facilitating democratic consolidation. Yet, IEM effectiveness is conditioned not only by the characteristics of the monitoring groups involved, but also by the domestic context of a state. Hence, the unique structural conditions in Sub-Saharan Africa present distinct challenges and opportunities for IEM. This thesis investigates the relationship between IEM and internal political reform in four Sub-Saharan African states. While IEM can encourage the progress of reform through a feedback mechanism, the extent of such reforms is greatly affected not only by domestic structural conditions, but by additional and often overlooked intervening variables. / Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2007. / Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: International Studies. / Discipline: College Honors Program.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2016-10-28T08:57:51Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Ezio Alves da Silva Junior.pdf: 3558684 bytes, checksum: 085b3c829a79fec09d0f9481e7062aee (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-10-28T08:57:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ezio Alves da Silva Junior.pdf: 3558684 bytes, checksum: 085b3c829a79fec09d0f9481e7062aee (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-09-02 / The following degree work conclusion is bound to the Political Psychology Research and Social Movements core (NUPMOS) of the Post-graduate program in Social Psychology of the Pontifícia Universidade Católica of São Paulo (PUC-SP). With the technological revolution and the massification of the internet we have observed the quick insertion of the digital media in the quotidian. The time spent in the social media by users has grown in the last years as well new ways of online political participation. Example of the online participation which has materialized in the streets were the June Journeys, the beginning of a cicle of mobiliziations which are the symptom and expression of a serious political and institutional crisis. The present study proposes to analyze the Twitter messages regarding the vote on PEC 182/07, which is related to political reform, one of the several unfoldings of the June Journeys. The proposal of reform voted on the lower house of Congress occurs in midst of turbulent political manifestations in all national territory. The social media as new public spheres, build new spaces to political participation and awareness. The wish for concrete change is expressed in society through various social mobilizations, but the proposal described in the text of the PEC 182/07, concerns about specific changes of the electoral system and without consultation or public participation. As method it was used the analysis of social networks, the data were analyzed from the categories proposed by Sandoval (2001) in his model of political awareness. The data were collected through the NodeXl, where were captured 439 tweets that focused on political reform. The results show the beginning of a process of awareness about what is a reform, linked to the relation between followed and followers while political identity. We also identified in the speeches of some users groups the perception that the political reform is antidemocratic and imposed from top to the bottom, and in another groups instead there is the perception that the proposed changes have little relevance. This perception of the reform reinforces the framework of a low political efficiency and intervention capacity and constitutes fragmented political identities, but still linked to the followed and follower relationship. The main political opponent identified in the coletive speech of the left-wing groups was the Chamber of Deputies president, Eduardo Cunha / A presente dissertação é vinculada ao núcleo de Pesquisa de Psicologia Política e Movimentos Sociais (NUPMOS) do Programa de Pós-graduados em Psicologia Social da Pontificia Universidade Católica de São Paulo (PUC-SP). Com a revolução tecnológica e a massificação da internet temos observado a rapida inserção das mídias digitais no cotidiano. O tempo gasto nas mídias digitais por usuários tem crescido nos últimos anos bem como novas formas de participação política online. Exemplo da participação online que se materializou nas ruas foram as Jornadas de Junho, inicio de um ciclo de mobilizações que são sintoma e expressão de uma grave crise político-institucional. O presente estudo propõe-se a analisar as mensagens do Twitter relativas à votação da PEC 182/07 sobre a proposta de reforma política, um dos vários desdobramentos das Jornadas de Junho. A proposta de reforma votada na Câmara de Deputados ocorre em meio a turbulentas manifestações políticas em todo o território nacional. As mídias digitais como nova esfera pública, constroem novos espaços para participação política e conscientização. O anseio por mudanças concrentas é expresso na sociedade através das várias mobilizações sociais, porém a proposta descrita no texto da PEC 182/07, dizem respeito a mudanças pontuais sobre o sistema eleitoral e sem consulta ou participação popular. Como método foi utilizado a analise de redes sociais, os dados foram analisados a partir das categorias proposta por Sandoval (2001) em seu modelo de consciência política. Os dados foram coletados através do NodeXL, onde foram capturados 439 tuítes que abordaram o tema reforma política. Os resultados mostram o inicio de um processo de conscientização sobre o que é uma reforma, atrelada a relação entre seguidos e seguidores enquanto identidade política. Também identificamos nos discursos de alguns grupos de usuários a percepção de que a reforma política é, anti-democratica e imposta de cima para baixo em outros grupos, porém há a percepção de que as mudanças propostas têm pouca relevância. Essa percepção da reforma reforça o quadro de uma baixa eficácia política e capacidade de intervenção e constitui identidades políticas fragmentadas, mas ainda atreladas a relação seguido e seguidor. O principal advserario político identificado no discurso coletivo dos grupos de esquerda foi presidente da Câmara de Deputados, Eduardo Cunha