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CHARLES UNIVERSITY IN PRAGUE FACULTY OF SOCIAL SCIENCES Bibliographical Registration Form Master thesis in the programme I E P S 1. Given name and SURNAME of the author: Mazhar Hassan Bari 2. Title of the Thesis: The Challenges and Prospects of Democratisation in the Muslim world: The case of Pakistan 3. Subordinate title: 4. Year of defence: 2019 5. Number of pages: 64 6. Summary of the Thesis (extended abstract): Debate on the compatibility of Islam with democracy has gained momentum between academic circles in the recent years often in the context of a "clash" between Western and Islamic civilization. The main objective of this thesis is to contribute to this debate by trying to identify main challenges and prospects of democratization in the Muslim world. The theoretical framework of this thesis will be based on modernist and reformist theories of Islamic political thought. The concepts of Ijtihad (independent reasoning) and Ijma (consensus or agreement) will be applied in order to answer key questions research "Are the key principles of Islam compatible with core values of democracy?" or "Is Islam inherently authoritarian?". The theoretical outcomes will be applied on the case study of Pakistan, country that has just achieved another significant democratic transition of power through general elections....

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Le Parlement européen est une assemblée supranationale élue au suffrage universel direct, qui occupe aujourd'hui une place essentielle dans le système politique communautaire. Il légifère avec le Conseil des normes législatives qui ont un impact direct sur les États et les individus de l'Union européenne. Cette thèse se propose d'étudier la problématique de la délibération au Parlement européen, autrement dit de la place croissante de l'Assemblée au sein de l'Union européenne. Il s'agit donc d'analyser comment le Parlement européen a conquis cette place et cette influence dans le système politique de l'Union européenne dans la période allant du Traité de Nice au Traité du Lisbonne. Aujourd'hui, le Parlement européen participe à la décision européenne par la délibération des députés issus de 28 États : il s'impose comme un co-Législateur, placé sur un pied d'égalité avec le Conseil dans la procédure législative, dispose d'un pouvoir budgétaire et joue un rôle de contrôle démocratique important sur toutes les instances européennes. Cette revalorisation des pouvoirs du Parlement européen se traduit par une modification de ses relations avec la Commission et le Conseil et par une influence plus sensible dans l'élaboration et la mise en œuvre des politiques de l'Union. Ce rôle institutionnel a été renforcé de manière significative avec l'entrée en vigueur du traité de Lisbonne. L'accroissement des pouvoirs de l'Assemblée, l' affirmation de son rôle au sein du triangle institutionnel et le renforcement du rôle des parlements nationaux dans le fonctionnement de l'Union européenne sont considérés comme des grandes évolutions du système politique de l'Union vers la parlementarisation. En dépit de multiples contraintes qui pèsent sur son fonctionnement, le Parlement européen dispose d'une grande autonomie organisationnelle et conduit sa délibération de manière efficace. / The European Parliament is a supranational assembly elected at direct universal suffrage, which is central in the Community's political system. It builds legislative norms together with the Council, which have a direct impact on the States and on the citizens of the European Union. This thesis dissertation studies the deliberation issue in the European Parliament, i.e. the growing weight of the Assembly within the European Union. The aim is to analyze how the European Parliament has won this place and such an influence in the European Union's political system in the period between the Nice and Lisbon Treaties. Today, the European Parliament is part of the European decision through the deliberation of the MPs of the 28 states : it established itself as a co-Legislator, on an equal footing with the Council into the legislative procedure; it also has a budgetary power and a major function of democratic control over all European authorities. This rise of the European Parliament's power led to a modification of its relation to the Commission and to the Council and to a greater influence in the elaboration and implementation of the EU's policies. This institutional role has been significantly reinforced by the Lisbon Treaty. The growth of the assembly's powers, the affirmation of its role within the institutional triangle and the reinforcement of the national Parliaments at the European level can be considered as major evolutions of the Union's political system towards parliamentarization. Despite the constraints weighing on its work, the European's Parliament has a genuine organizational autonomy and it deliberates efficiently.

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This study examines how the former president, Robert Mugabe and the ruling party, ZANU-PF, have designed and manipulated the political system in Zimbabwe to remain in power. The study begins with a comprise background and then analyzes which political system the country possesses. Finally, the analysis discusses how Robert Mugabe have used the constituencies, legal threshold, form of the state and exclusion of other parties to remain in power.

This thesis seeks to provide a comprehensive overview of the extent and use of public inquiries appointed by the Commonwealth government since federation. Given the increased incidence in public inquiries since the 1970s, particular attention is given to assessing inquiries during this period. The thesis develops a clear definition of public inquiries to better identify the number established and to distinguish them from other advisory institutions and to allow more accurate comparison of their use by different governments over extended timeframes. The thesis addresses a number of key issues concerning public inquiries such as the reasons for their appointment, their roles and functions in the political system, their powers of investigation, processes of operation, their different organisational forms and their impact on policy development. In addition, the thesis seeks to explain both the long term use of public inquiries in Australia, and in particular their increased incidence since the 1970s. Supported by new data, and a more rigorous definition of public inquiries, the thesis identifies trends in the number and type of public inquiries appointed, their use by different governments, the range of issues investigated, the processes employed and the changing composition of their memberships. The thesis proposes that an important means of explaining the continuing appointment of inquiries is their intrinsic 'publicness' - their public appointment, external membership, temporary nature, open processes, and public reporting arrangements. This 'publicness' has given public inquiries a particular standing and legitimacy in the political system that for a variety of reasons, other institutions are increasingly unable to provide. Other issues concerning public inquiry appointment such as the effect of government partisanship, the impact of the electoral cycle, and the political motivations of governments are also assessed. A number of theories such as public choice are examined in relation to explaining inquiry appointment and found to have limited application in providing an overall explanation of inquiry use and their functions. These different issues are analysed by examination of many individual inquiries and supplemented by in depth assessment of three clusters of case studies. The case studies cover seven inquiries of different types and powers appointed over a twenty year period by both Labor and Coalition governments into a range of different fields including public sector reform, allegations of corruption and maladministration and financial deregulation. Each set of case studies examines why the inquiries were appointed, their classification and type, the processes employed, the form and content of their reports, and their policy impact. The thesis concludes that in examining why public inquiries are appointed and their roles in the political system, they need to be assessed not just by the effectiveness of their processes or the quality of their advice. These are important, but alone are not sufficient in explaining the persistent use of inquiries by all governments and their proliferation since the 1970s. The thesis contends that it is the 'publicness' of inquiries which distinguishes them from other advisory bodies and gives inquiries particular standing in the Australian political system to be perceived to be able to legitimately investigate and advise on a wide of issues. Despite the growth of other advisory bodies in recent times, public inquiries have continued to be appointed in increasing numbers since the early 1970s regardless of the government in power and therefore need to be seen less as an aberration of the Australian political system and more as an important, if often understudied, component. Future research areas recommended include the need for greater comparative analysis of their use with other Westminster democracies such as the United Kingdom, Canada and New Zealand.

China ist auf dem Weg zu einer offeneren Gesellschaft mit zunehmender Partizipation, größerer rechtlicher Sicherheit und individueller Autonomie. Der Staat zog sich aus vielen Bereichen zurück, ökonomische Ziele bestimmen seine Prioritäten. Die Entwicklungserfolge brachten jedoch eine Legitimationskrise des Staates mit sich. Vier Dilemmata, die China heute konfrontieren, werden aufgezeigt und Hypothesen zur Charakterisierung des chinesischen party state diskutiert. / China is on the way to a more open society with increasing participation, legal security and individual autonomy. The state has withdrawn from many fields, economic goals determine its priorities. However, successful development implicated legitimation crisis of the state. Four dilemmas, which confront China today, are pointed out and hypotheses for the characterisation of the Chinese "party state" are discussed.

Mit dem erzwungenen Abbruch des ASEAN-Gipfels im April 2009 erreichte der politische Machtkampf in Thailand einen neuen Höhepunkt. Trotz des Rückzuges der Aufständischen ist kein Ende des Konflikts abzusehen. Die erhoffte politische Ruhe mit der Wahl Abhisit Vejjajivas zum neuen thailändischen Regierungschef hat sich in dem tief gespaltenen Land nicht eingestellt.