While self-­determination is often considered to mean political and sometimes territorial independence, for indigenous peoples that have been colonised self-­determination often manifests in a different way. For Māori, the concept of tino rangatiratanga encapsulates many of the issues associated with the desire for political equality and self-­determination. It includes the right for Māori to decide how they want to be governed, including having the ability to make decisions about their own futures, and it is contingent upon having a sense of political agency. To date there is little research that explores Māori political agency. The aim of this thesis is to address this research gap by examining what Māori aspire to as political agents, what some of the barriers to those aspirations might be, and whether Māori believe that they can make a difference in the political realm if they choose to do so. The thesis draws together several strands of literature, from empirical to theoretical, and examines Māori political agency in the context of self-­determination. Primary data is also gathered and analysed using Q-­methodology to better understand these questions. A further goal of this thesis is to analyse the effectiveness of traditional efficacy measures for studying political agency in indigenous groups. The results support the self-­determination literature that argues that Māori want to have the ability to make decisions about their own futures. It also finds, as is to be expected of a diverse peoples, that there is no single view or aspiration in regard to political agency, and that attitudes to politics are as diverse as the participants themselves. Accessibility to political networks was identified as being important, but such networks were also identified as a potential barrier to agency. Thus, the findings suggest that there must be a degree of individual effort in order to achieve a sense of agency. The research also found several limitations with traditional efficacy measures for studying agency within indigenous groups. This is primarily due to the focus of such methods on institutional forms of political participation such as voting, which is assumed to have similar outcomes for everyone – for minorities this is not the case. Moreover, the data reveals that it is difficult to draw a linear relationship between efficacy, and participation, and that there may be other reasons individuals choose to participate in politics or not.

Esta tese parte de uma interrogação sobre a articulação, entre os antigos Tupi da costa brasílica, entre o profetismo e o domínio político. Para tanto, ela revisita discussões caras à história da antropologia, como aquelas promovidas por Pierre e Hélène Clastres, o primeiro fortemente engajado no projeto de uma antropologia política. Cruzando os dados do passado com as etnografi as sobre povos ameríndios do presente, esta tese propõe uma refl exão sobre a ação política ameríndia, tendo em vista as maneiras pelas quais podem se constituir (e estender) pessoas e grupos, líderes e unidades sociopolíticas, mas também os mecanismos que impedem, a todo o momento, que estes se estabilizem, se enrijeçam, congelem assimetrias. / This thesis focus on the relationship, among the ancient Tupi of the brazilian coast, between prophetic movements and the political domain. In so doing, it returns to some classic discussions that play an important part in anthropology\'s history, as those which were carried by Pierre and Hélène Clastres; the fi rst one hardly engaged on the foundation of a political anthropology. Comparing data of past societies with recent ethnographies of contemporary indigenous peoples, this thesis proposes a refl ection on Amerindian political agency, stressing the ways people and groups, leaders and sociopolitical units, can be made (and thus be extended), as well as regarding the mechanisms that offer resistance to the stabilization of these people and groups, which could result in a fixed asymmetry.

This dissertation investigates the impacts of constraints on optimal government policy. The first two chapters provide a general introduction and review of the literature. Chapters three and four analyze education spending and institutional structure in an economy with informational asymmetries and employment matching frictions. The fifth investigates the impact of politics on government decisions over taxation and spending programs more generally. Chapter three analyzes the situation where governments can target education funds to specific observable groups (referred to as low and high productivity neighbourhoods/regions). The results suggest that it may be optimal to employ educational transfers, rather than cash transfers amongst individuals, to achieve social welfare objectives. This is becasue the former can reduce distortions created by the tax system. However, the value of educational spending in mitigating these information frictions may not be that large, and may in fact exacerbate such distortions. This suggests that an optimal education policy may be more regressive when there is a distortionary tax system in place. Further, we showt that even if ``equalizing opportunities'' is deemed optimal in the static problem, it may not be a reasonable policy goal when we extend the analysis to include dynamics. Chapter four is joint work with Afrasiab Mirza. We analyze an economy where heterogeneous individuals are uncertain about their endowments. The education system trades off the desire to capitalize on talent through specific skills training with the need to provide individuals with opportunities to learn about their career preferences through a broader education. The results consider the implications of various educational institutions for the income distribution and consequently welfare. Chapter five analyzes the dynamics of public spending, taxation and debt in a political agency model. Choices are made by short-lived politicians who can be only partially controlled through the electoral process. The main focus is to consider the impacts of binding limits on the public budget. The value of imposing this additional friction depends both on the extent to which politicians' goals deviate from their constituencies and how effectively the electoral process disciplines them when they misbehave. The results also suggest that the value of such a restriction depends on the fiscal position at the time in which it is imposed. / Thesis (Ph.D, Economics) -- Queen's University, 2009-11-25 20:25:29.12

Esta tese parte de uma interrogação sobre a articulação, entre os antigos Tupi da costa brasílica, entre o profetismo e o domínio político. Para tanto, ela revisita discussões caras à história da antropologia, como aquelas promovidas por Pierre e Hélène Clastres, o primeiro fortemente engajado no projeto de uma antropologia política. Cruzando os dados do passado com as etnografi as sobre povos ameríndios do presente, esta tese propõe uma refl exão sobre a ação política ameríndia, tendo em vista as maneiras pelas quais podem se constituir (e estender) pessoas e grupos, líderes e unidades sociopolíticas, mas também os mecanismos que impedem, a todo o momento, que estes se estabilizem, se enrijeçam, congelem assimetrias. / This thesis focus on the relationship, among the ancient Tupi of the brazilian coast, between prophetic movements and the political domain. In so doing, it returns to some classic discussions that play an important part in anthropology\'s history, as those which were carried by Pierre and Hélène Clastres; the fi rst one hardly engaged on the foundation of a political anthropology. Comparing data of past societies with recent ethnographies of contemporary indigenous peoples, this thesis proposes a refl ection on Amerindian political agency, stressing the ways people and groups, leaders and sociopolitical units, can be made (and thus be extended), as well as regarding the mechanisms that offer resistance to the stabilization of these people and groups, which could result in a fixed asymmetry.

No description available.

<p>This dissertation investigates how the politics of asylum are implicated in our understandings of political agency for non-citizens. Using qualitative methods of interviews and participant observation, I centre migrant narratives in my analysis and begin from the migrant experience to investigate the development and practices of a global regime of management and control over migration, asking how migrants both participate in and challenge the shaping of this regime.</p> <p>The sites examined are refugee camps in Western Tanzania, the border zone between Spain and Morocco, and the detention regime of Australia. In each case a border space is created where the sovereign politics of migration operate to control migrants, and to manage their capacity for political agency and mobility through discourses and practices of exclusion. In each case, the regime is situated within a global system of securitized migration oriented explicitly against irregular migration. In each case the migrant narratives from within the border space reflect active participation in shaping the border politics in direct challenge to dominant narratives of control.</p> <p>I argue that the dichotomy of voluntary/forced migration that has characterized the refugee and migration regime since 1945 is being replaced by a more rigid dichotomy of regular/irregular migration. The implications of this shift are found in more advanced and securitized border regimes and practices.</p> <p>My conclusions directly challenge the characterization of the border space as a space that is not only exceptional, but exclusionary, abject and without the possibility for politics. Rather, I argue that an understanding of politics as momentary and everyday, and of politics as contestation reveals a radical political agency that re-imagines the global non-citizen as a transgressive and powerful figure. Further, I argue that this re-imagining of global non-citizens reveals possibilities for a politics that dramatically changes contemporary state-centred understandings of border regimes.</p> / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

Essa dissertação tem dois objetivos. O primeiro é fazer uma genealogia da mais popular concepção de representação na ciência política: a do accountability eleitoral. A teoria do accountability eleitoral é um produto da reflexão teórica e normativa da ciência política de meados do século XX em diante, especialmente de duas literaturas. Uma é a de congruência ou responsividade, que adota a congruência entre as preferências por políticas ou a ideologia do representante e aquelas do representado como ideal normativo. A outra é a do voto retrospectivo, que encontra sua versão mais sofisticada nos modelos de agência política. Para essa literatura, normativamente atraente é a seleção de representantes competentes, que entreguem bons resultados. Ambas especificam a relação entre eleições e representação: por meio das eleições, o representado consegue fazer o representante lhe entregar o que ele quer. A primeira parte do trabalho reconstrói a trajetória dessas duas literaturas, ressaltando seus impasses. O principal desses impasses envolve a bem documentada desinformação do eleitor: como eleitores desinformados podem controlar seus representantes? O segundo objetivo é avaliar a teoria do accountability eleitoral à luz das evidências empíricas pertinentes. Para tanto, o trabalho investiga as evidências sobre o problema da desinformação do eleitor, e de sua competência em geral. O saldo das evidências recomenda ceticismo a respeito do accountability eleitoral. Diante disso, o que podemos então esperar da representação política? O trabalho sugere que um caminho é inverter a perspectiva do accountability eleitoral e enxergar a representação política como uma relação em que o representante é quem mobiliza, de cima para baixo, o representado. O apoio político do representado é um recurso que o representante tenta angariar para perseguir seus próprios objetivos políticos. Esse pode ser um caminho para reconciliar a teoria da representação com o fenômeno da liderança política. / This thesis has two goals. The first one is to put together a genealogy of the most popular conception of representation in political science: that of electoral accountability. The theory of electoral accountability is a product of theoretical and normative reflection of political science from mid-20th century on, and especially of two different literatures. One is the literature on policy congruence or policy responsiveness, which takes congruence between the representatives and the constituents policy preferences or ideology as a normative ideal. The other one is the retrospective voting literature, which finds its most sophisticated version in political agency models. For this literature, what is normatively appealing is the selection of competent representatives, who are able to deliver good results. Both literatures specify the connection between elections and representation: through elections, constituents can get representatives to deliver what they want. The first part of this work retells these literatures trajectories, point out their impasses. The main one regards voters well documented lack of information: how can uninformed voters control their representatives? This works second aim is to assess the theory of electoral accountability in light of the pertinent empirical evidence. In order to do so, the work investigates the evidence on the problem of voters lack of information and voter competence in general. The balance of the evidence suggests skepticism towards electoral accountability. Given this, what can we expect from political representation? The thesis suggests that a possible path is to reverse the point of view of electoral accountability and see political representation as a top-down relationship in which representatives mobilize constituents. Constituents political support is a resource that representatives try to gather in order to pursue their own political objectives. This can be a way to reconcile the theory of representation with the phenomenon of political leadership.

Abstract Tourism has developed into an important field of economy in the northern sparsely populated areas of Finland. State bodies of different spatial scales continuously put efforts to foster tourism growth and tourism is viewed as a prosperous economic path for the future. The prevailing tourism development is resort-oriented, which has transformed rural geographies in the North. Critical tourism geography research highlights that such market-driven tourism development has negative social and environmental consequences. Thus, tourism change needs to be examined from a broader perspective than economic benefits alone. It is required that tourism economy serves people and not vice versa. To increase sustainability in destination localities, collective economic agency in destinations is encouraged in tourism research and development. To date, tourism research has tended to draw on multiple, often contradicting, theoretical perspectives in an attempt to clarify how collective agency in tourism destinations should be best organized in order to foster social justice and ecological sustainability. The aim of this thesis is to understand how sustainability can be facilitated through local economic relations in resort-oriented destination development contexts. Sustainability discussions in tourism research are advanced by drawing on economic geography and its critical takes. The thesis consists of three studies that each examine sustainability in tourism destinations from a different viewpoint. The thesis first examines how (un)sustainability currently manifests in local economic relations and then discusses what changes are required to move towards more sustainable tourism futures. Ethnographically oriented case studies and a contemporary variant of the grounded theory method enables approaching tourism economies from the perspective of everyday tourism realities. The empirical part of the research is conducted in the Ruka and Ylläs destinations in the Finnish North. Insights were gathered by semi-structured in-depth interviews with local tourism actors in 2012 and 2015. The study introduces a poststructural political economy approach to sustainability transformations in tourism destinations. The less growth-focused economic thinking that exists in destinations is brought to light. Tourism actors’ motives and aims can differ drastically from the rationales of growth-focused tourism destination development that dominate in networked tourism governance. Many of the tourism actors desire conservation of natural and cultural environment in destinations. This creates conflict between the coexisting tourism paths. In the thesis, it is argued that economic difference in tourism should not be conceptualized merely as a source of diversification of tourism supply and thus as beneficial for destination growth; it should be recognized as political agency in tourism economy. Tourism networking is already now often value-driven, and this needs to be encouraged. That is, transformative agency for tourism change can be gained and new tourism paths created also through incremental changes ‘from below’, not only via policy actions. To contribute to the critical (economic) geography research on social and economic change, this thesis highlights that it is central to understand not only what new economic futures look like but also how to work towards them in everyday politics. Although the alternative and critical voices are valuable as they accurately state a socially just view of how things ought to be, these voices may not be the best way to bring about a change. This is because power hierarchies are not easily recognized in everyday tourism work. Each actor interprets the social from their subjective point of view. Even actors with the most power can have personal experiences of powerlessness. Thus, to foster change, it is necessary to facilitate the transformation of the existing conflictual inter-group relations. Dialogical everyday politics could work as a means to foster understanding of different groups’ tourism realities and their mutual influence. Conflict could be regarded not solely as an innate feature of capitalist economic relations but also as moments where mutual understanding can be facilitated. This is a way to establish local economic relations that enable community building. Destination sustainability touches not only firm-level practices but the mode of economic organization in tourism destinations. The thesis highlights that to advance social justice and environmental sustainability in destinations, destination development and planning should account for the possibility for a less growth-focused destination development path. As alternative tourism paths do not, as a rule, depend on new, large-scale tourism construction, they would likewise not foster growth in international tourist numbers and air travel. This unconventional view on economic path creation is to be encouraged as it is better in line with climate change mitigation needs and critical sustainability theorizing. / Original papers The original publications are not included in the electronic version of the dissertation. Kulusjärvi, O. (2016). Resort-oriented tourism development and local tourism networks – a case study from Northern Finland. Fennia 194: 1, 3–17. https://fennia.journal.fi/article/view/41450 http://jultika.oulu.fi/Record/nbnfi-fe2019103136035 Kulusjärvi, O. (2017). Sustainable Destination Development in Northern Peripheries: A Focus on Alternative Tourism Paths. Journal of Rural and Community Development 12:2/3, 41–58. https://journals.brandonu.ca/jrcd/article/view/1466 http://jultika.oulu.fi/Record/nbnfi-fe2018051524148 Kulusjärvi, O. (accepted). Towards just production of tourism space via dialogical everyday politics in destination communities. Environment and Planning C: Politics and Space.

Essa dissertação tem dois objetivos. O primeiro é fazer uma genealogia da mais popular concepção de representação na ciência política: a do accountability eleitoral. A teoria do accountability eleitoral é um produto da reflexão teórica e normativa da ciência política de meados do século XX em diante, especialmente de duas literaturas. Uma é a de congruência ou responsividade, que adota a congruência entre as preferências por políticas ou a ideologia do representante e aquelas do representado como ideal normativo. A outra é a do voto retrospectivo, que encontra sua versão mais sofisticada nos modelos de agência política. Para essa literatura, normativamente atraente é a seleção de representantes competentes, que entreguem bons resultados. Ambas especificam a relação entre eleições e representação: por meio das eleições, o representado consegue fazer o representante lhe entregar o que ele quer. A primeira parte do trabalho reconstrói a trajetória dessas duas literaturas, ressaltando seus impasses. O principal desses impasses envolve a bem documentada desinformação do eleitor: como eleitores desinformados podem controlar seus representantes? O segundo objetivo é avaliar a teoria do accountability eleitoral à luz das evidências empíricas pertinentes. Para tanto, o trabalho investiga as evidências sobre o problema da desinformação do eleitor, e de sua competência em geral. O saldo das evidências recomenda ceticismo a respeito do accountability eleitoral. Diante disso, o que podemos então esperar da representação política? O trabalho sugere que um caminho é inverter a perspectiva do accountability eleitoral e enxergar a representação política como uma relação em que o representante é quem mobiliza, de cima para baixo, o representado. O apoio político do representado é um recurso que o representante tenta angariar para perseguir seus próprios objetivos políticos. Esse pode ser um caminho para reconciliar a teoria da representação com o fenômeno da liderança política. / This thesis has two goals. The first one is to put together a genealogy of the most popular conception of representation in political science: that of electoral accountability. The theory of electoral accountability is a product of theoretical and normative reflection of political science from mid-20th century on, and especially of two different literatures. One is the literature on policy congruence or policy responsiveness, which takes congruence between the representatives and the constituents policy preferences or ideology as a normative ideal. The other one is the retrospective voting literature, which finds its most sophisticated version in political agency models. For this literature, what is normatively appealing is the selection of competent representatives, who are able to deliver good results. Both literatures specify the connection between elections and representation: through elections, constituents can get representatives to deliver what they want. The first part of this work retells these literatures trajectories, point out their impasses. The main one regards voters well documented lack of information: how can uninformed voters control their representatives? This works second aim is to assess the theory of electoral accountability in light of the pertinent empirical evidence. In order to do so, the work investigates the evidence on the problem of voters lack of information and voter competence in general. The balance of the evidence suggests skepticism towards electoral accountability. Given this, what can we expect from political representation? The thesis suggests that a possible path is to reverse the point of view of electoral accountability and see political representation as a top-down relationship in which representatives mobilize constituents. Constituents political support is a resource that representatives try to gather in order to pursue their own political objectives. This can be a way to reconcile the theory of representation with the phenomenon of political leadership.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2018-07-23T12:16:47Z No. of bitstreams: 1 leonardonevesluz.pdf: 2626049 bytes, checksum: 7b3d89d05297f5d4bd59df813779e123 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2018-09-03T16:19:00Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 leonardonevesluz.pdf: 2626049 bytes, checksum: 7b3d89d05297f5d4bd59df813779e123 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-09-03T16:19:00Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 leonardonevesluz.pdf: 2626049 bytes, checksum: 7b3d89d05297f5d4bd59df813779e123 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-06-18 / Esta tese tem por objetivo investigar os efeitos da exposição a incentivos à reeleição por parte de prefeitos incumbentes sobre a provisão pública de vagas em creches. Com base na teoria da agência política, espera-se que prefeitos aptos a concorrer à reeleição tenham incentivos a sinalizar ao eleitorado que são candidatos preocupados em satisfazer suas preferências. Assumindo que a oferta pública de bens privados é componente das preferências do eleitorado, em especial a oferta pública de creches, foi realizado um quase-experimento para testar se há comportamento oportunista na provisão de vagas públicas em creches pelos prefeitos com incentivos à reeleição. Por meio de informações contidas no Repositório de Dados Eleitorais do Tribunal Superior Eleitoral, para as eleições municipais de 2004 e 2008, foram selecionados municípios cujos prefeitos poderiam concorrer às eleições de 2008, compondo o grupo de tratamento, com municípios em que os prefeitos encontravam-se em segundo mandato, formando o grupo de controle. O exercício empírico foi baseado em uma abordagem de desenho de regressões descontínuas (RDD) para verificar se há uma diferença média entre a taxa de crescimento da provisão de vagas em creches, municipais ou privadas conveniadas às prefeituras municipais. Os resultados indicaram que não há evidências robustas da presença de oportunismo eleitoral na provisão de vagas em creches, considerando as vagas ofertadas em creches públicas e privadas sob regime de parceria com o poder público local. Foi realizado, ainda, um exercício empírico para verificar se há incentivos à provisão pública de creches sob alinhamento partidário entre prefeito incumbente e os partidos da base aliada do Governo Federal no Congresso Nacional e na composição do ministério do Presidente. Novamente, não foram encontradas evidências robustas que indiquem efeitos de alinhamento partidário na provisão pública de creches. / The purpose of this thesis is to investigate the effects of exposure to incentives for re-election by incumbent mayors on the public provision of enrollments in day care centers. Based on political agency theory, mayors apt to run for re-election are expected to have incentives to signalize to the electorate that they are candidates concerned about satisfying their preferences. Assuming that the public offering of private goods is a component of the electorate's preferences, especially the public offer of day-care centers, a quasi-experiment was conducted to test for opportunistic behavior in the provision of public enrollments in day care centers by mayors with re-election incentives. Using information contained in the Repositório de Dados Eleitorais of the Tribunal Superior Eleitoral, municipalities whose mayors could run for the 2008 elections were selected as treatment group and the municipalities in which mayors were in second term were selected as control group. The empirical exercise was based on a discontinuous regression design approach (RDD) to verify if there is a mean difference between the growth rate of the provision of enrollments in public or private (subsidized by the municipalities) day care centers. The results indicated that there is no robust evidence of the presence of electoral opportunism in the provision of enrollments in day care centers, considering the vacancies offered in public and private (under a partnership with the local public power) day care centers. In addition, an empirical exercise was carried out to verify if there is an incentive to the public provision of day care centers under partisan alignment between incumbent mayor and the parties of the allied basis of the Federal Government in the National Congress and in the composition of the President's Cabinet. Again, no robust evidence was found to indicate effects of partisan alignment in the public provision of day care centers.