More stress is put on political brand significance as the evolution of political parties (or institutions) continues. Political parties no longer use their ideology as a main tool to attract potential voters. Voters have adapted at least in part the consumer-like behavior, when choosing political brand. The importance of political brands grows along with the strengthening effort of political parties to gain as many median voters as possible. Diploma thesis deals with the valuation of political brands in the Czech Republic, Slovak Republic, United Kingdom and United States. One of the key goals is to propose a sophisticated valuation model based on evaluation of future cash flows discounted to present day.

Notre recherche s’inscrivant dans le domaine des Sciences de Gestion et plus précisément dans le champ disciplinaire du Marketing, nous avons choisi de transposer et d’adapter plusieurs concepts - notamment les concepts de marque et de capital-marque - issus de la littérature marketing à la sphère politique. Notre recherche vise d’abord et avant tout à contribuer à la conceptualisation du capital-marque de Keller (1993), à valider une méthode de mesure et à l’appliquer dans un autre domaine. L’objectif in fine est de tester notre conceptualisation d’un modèle de la relation à la marque politique fondée sur la mesure de son capital-marque. Portant sur le 1er tour de l’élection présidentielle de 2012 en France, cette recherche prouve la pertinence de la conceptualisation du capital-marque de Keller (1993) appliquée au domaine politique : de façon directe ou indirecte, le capital-marque politique représente bien l’effet différentiel de la connaissance de la marque politique sur la réponse de l’électeur au marketing de la marque politique. En outre, ce sont bien les associations fortes, positives et uniques qui sont source de valeur. Les études menées permettent également de valider une conceptualisation duale de la marque politique (Phipps, Brace-Govan et Jevons, 2010) tout en montrant l’effet modérateur de la congruence entre la marque personnelle du candidat et la marque « corporate » du parti. Le test du modèle permet enfin de mieux comprendre la relation entre la marque politique et l’électeur. Le concept de marque politique peut selon nous aider les hommes politiques et les partis à développer leur notoriété, construire, gérer, mesurer et contrôler leur capital-marque. Le développement d’une mesure du capital-marque politique offre ainsi la possibilité d’une réelle gestion de la marque politique. / We have chosen in this research to transpose and adapt several concepts used in the field of Management Sciences and more specifically Marketing – notably the concepts of brand and brand equity – to the political sphere. The main objectives of our research are to contribute to Keller’s conceptualization of brand equity (1993), to validate a measure method and to apply it to another field. The ultimate goal is to test our conceptualization of a model of the relationship to the political brand based on the measure of its brand equity. Based on the first ballot of the 2012 French presidential election, this research proves the relevance of Keller’s conceptualization of brand equity (1993) applied to the political field: directly or indirectly, political brand equity does stand for the differential effect of political brand knowledge on voter response to the marketing of the political brand. Furthermore, strong, favorable and unique associations are those which create value. Our studies also allow to validate a dual conceptualization of the political brand (Phipps, Brace-Govan and Jevons, 2010) while proving the moderating effect of the congruence between the candidate’s personal brand and the party’s corporate brand. At last, testing the model allows to better understand the relationship between the political brand and the voter. According to us, the concept of political brand can help politicians as well as parties to develop their awareness of, build, manage, measure and control their brand equity. Developing a measure of political brand equity thus allows the possibility of a real management of the political brand.

There has been a growing interest in applying concepts and strategies of brand management in the political sphere. However, it has been argued that the phenomenon of political brand image has been given little attention. Therefore the purpose of this study is to explore the political brand image of the Sweden Democrats from voters’ perspective. The choice of exploring the Sweden Democrats opposed to other parties is that it has tried to rebrand itself from its previous racist ideologies and from being a single-party issue party. The study is based on different theories about brand image. Three dimensions will be used, brand awareness, perceived brand quality and brand associations, in order to cover the phenomenon political brand image. This study is conducted as a qualitative case study with a realistic approach. The analysis and findings show that participants still have perceptions related to the party’s history and that it still to a large extent is perceived as a single-issue party. However, it has also appeared that the Sweden Democrats to some extent are on the right way to stop being associated with racism. Limitations within this study are, time restriction and lack of knowledge whether participants sympathize with the Sweden Democrats or not. The practical implication is that this study could be of use both of the Sweden Democrats and other parties who seek to explore political brand image. The original value of the study is that it acknowledges the three dimensions when exploring political brand image.

This thesis examines the branding concept in politics and its main aim is to analyze the brand of Andrej Babis, who is nowadays the leader of political party ANO 2011. The author analyzes his brand personality in a first place. For this purpose OCEAN model created by Gerard Saucier is applied. After that the connection between brand ANO and Babis's brand is examined. The research is based on answers of 454 respondents, who were part of the survey. The results are analyzed from two points of view. One group of voters are those who gave their vote to ANO 2011 and the other group is presented by voters of others political parties.

В данной работе автор подробно рассматривает теоретические аспекты феномена политический бренд, разграничивая его с понятиями «бренд», «имидж», «торговая марка», «политический имидж» и «политическая репутация». Исходя из объекта политического бренда и роста конкурентноспособности регионов и городов, автор выделяет территорию как перспективное направление политического брендинга. В условиях медиатизации и виртуализации политики и изменения поведения граждан социальные сети трансформируются в основной канал политической коммуникации. В связи с этим знания и навыки политического SMM, способствующие управлению данными сетями, становится определяющими в политическом маркетинге, в том числе и в политическом брендинге. Для применения теоретических воззрений автор рассмотрел Муниципальную программу «Екатеринбург – столичный город» на 2017-2020 годы с точки зрения определения основной идеи бренда территории, выбора целевой аудитории и характера предлагаемых мероприятий. Также автор проанализировал городские сообщества Екатеринбурга в социальной сети «Вконтакте», официальные страницы Е.В. Куйвашева и Е.В. Ройзмана. На основе изученного материала были выработаны основные положения по работе с социальными сетями в целях продвижения политического бренда территории. / The author of master's thesis describes in detail theoretical aspects of the political brand and demarcates it from terms like as “brand”, “image”, “trademark”, “political image” and “political reputation”. The writer defines territory as promise direction of political branding on the base of object of political brand and the growth of competition between regions and cities. Social networks transformed in the main channel of political communication in conditions of the mediatisation and virtualization politics and changing in the citizen's behavior. Thus, knowledge and skills of political SMM intended to management of these media are determinative instruments in political marketing and political branding. To apply the theoretical reflections were examined municipality’s program «Yekaterinburg – the capital city” for 2017-2020 in that describes the main idea of place branding, to choose of targeted audience and proposed format events. Also were analysis city groups (Yekaterinburg) in social media “Vkontakte”, E.V. Kuivashev’s and E.V. Roizman’s official accounts. Because of studied data developed the main rules with social networks for intended promoting political brand’s territory.