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No. of bitstreams: 1 jacksondesouzavale.pdf: 1061827 bytes, checksum: 6c62589f656cc353d5ecf8c7b66833ac (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-06-26 / Na dissertação tentamos demonstrar que desde a caracterização do narrador ficcional da série de crônicas A semana (1892-1897), passando pelo mais recorrente assunto tratado, ou seja, o Encilhamento e a crise que se lhe seguiu, até a crítica das eleições desorganizadas, fraudulentas, violentas e corruptas, e dos eleitores absenteístas que não faziam uso do direito de eleger seus representantes; a principal preocupação do cronista era com o bem público e a cidadania. A crise cambial e financeira desses anos sempre teve como remédio possível a encampação das emissões feitas pelos principais bancos e o arrendamento de ativos do governo federal, como as ferrovias, para a aquisição de novos empréstimos. Ambas as soluções, tão temidas e criticadas pelo cronista, foram executadas. O que significava que os desvarios dos acionistas das sociedades anônimas e do próprio governo seriam divididos com todos os cidadãos contribuintes. A dissertação também trata da cidadania política propriamente dita, ou seja, das referências às eleições e aos trabalhos parlamentares. O narrador critica o grande número de abstenções que aconteciam. Apesar de criticar todos os subterfúgios utilizados para se corromper as eleições, como as fraudes e as ações violentas, o principal responsável pelo mal eleitoral é o próprio cidadão que não faz uso de seu direito ―soberano‖ de escolher os seus representantes. Assim sendo, o narrador se utiliza dessas crônicas para incitar uma maior participação sufragista. Ele o faz de duas maneiras: através de um discurso direto, sem ironia e outras figuras retóricas, falando claramente ao leitor sobre a importância das eleições e do voto. Ou, ironizando e criticando o eleitor de diversas maneiras: seja pela sua preguiça e ignorância sobre o uso de um direito constitucional, seja por seu individualismo exacerbado, que o fazia se preocupar somente com seus interesses financeiros, com o lucro, ou em ganhar dinheiro de maneira ―vadia‖ através dos jogos de azar. Por outro lado, o cidadão que fazia uso do direito de voto podia e devia cobrar dos seus representantes. É o que faz também o cronista. Ele acompanha os trabalhos das assembléias nacionais, estaduais e municipais. Sua principal crítica é a pouca assiduidade dos políticos e as poucas horas trabalhadas. Essa crítica é feita muitas vezes em comparação com a Câmara dos Comuns inglesa, que virava a noite em trabalhos legislativos, de acordo com os telegramas da época. Além disso, o narrador ainda se preocupava com a falta de civismo da população, principalmente com a falta de entusiasmo na comemoração de datas importantes da história brasileira como o Treze de Maio, ou o Sete de Setembro. Segundo ele, o brasileiro tinha em pouca conta o passado e o futuro, e se governava somente pelo presente. Para ele, essa identificação nacional era a contrapartida da cidadania. / In the paper we try to demonstrate that since the characterization of the fictional narrator inside the series of chronics A semana (The Week) (1892-1897), through most recurrent subject matter, the Brazilian economic episode known like Encilhamento and the crisis that followed it, until the criticize about election which were disorganized, fraudulent, violent and corrupt, and absentee voters who did not use the right to elect their representatives, the main chronicler´s concern was with is with the commonweal and citizenship. The currency and financial crisis of these years always has been as a possible solution the expropriation of broadcasts made by major banks and leasing of federal government assets, such as railroads, for the acquisition of new loans. Both solutions, so feared and criticized by the chronicler, were executed. This meant that the folly of the corporations‘ shareholders and from the government would be shared with all citizens taxpayers. The paper also deal with the political citizenship, that is, references to elections and parliamentary work. The narrator criticizes the large number of abstentions that happened. Despite all the criticism about the subterfuges used to disrupt the elections, like fraud and violent actions, the principal responsible for evil election is the own citizen who does not use his right "sovereign" to choose their representatives. In this way, the narrator uses such chronic to incite greater participation suffrage. He does so in two ways: through a direct discourse, without irony and other rhetorical figures, speaking clearly to the reader about the importance of elections and voting. Or, mocking and criticizing the voter in several ways: either by their laziness and ignorance on the use of a constitutional right, or by their exacerbated individualism, which made him worry only about their financial interests with profit, or money in a "lazy" way through gambling. On the other hand, the citizen who made use of voting rights could and should charge their representatives. It is also what the chronicler does. He monitors the work of national assemblies, state and local governments. His main criticism is the lack of attendance of politicians and the few hours worked. This complain is often made in comparison to the British House of Commons, which turned night into legislative work, according to the telegrams of the time. Moreover, the narrator still worried about the lack of civility of the population, especially with the little enthusiasm in the celebration of important dates in history as the Brazilian Thirteen of May, or September Seven. He said the Brazilian people had little regard to the past and future, and is governed only by the present. For the author, this identification was the counterpart of national citizenship.

A partir d’une analyse des conditions historiques qui ont favorisé l’émergence du travail social laïc, la dominante des femmes dans ce champ professionnel prend un autre sens. Le traitement séparé de la question de la solidarité entre intervention politique d’une part et intervention dans un quotidien de vie d’autre part apparaît et devient une clé de lecture de cette institutionnalisation.Cette scission se comprend en considérant simultanément l’emprise du genre dans la construction de cette action publique, et la mise à l’écart de la vulnérabilité comme condition intrinsèque des vies humaines. De ce fait, la solidarité comme loi organique d’interdépendance est malmenée, l’exercice de la citoyenneté politique occultée et la dimension collective du travail social empêchée.Cette compréhension éclaire les questions contemporaines mises en débat : action collective, développement social, solidarités actives, participation des personnes accompagnées. Elle contribue à enrichir le travail de refondation en cours au-delà des questions dévolues aux temps et espaces de formations des professionnel.le.s concerné.e.s pour impacter toute la chaîne des politiques de solidarité aux différentes échelles de compétences. / Through an analysis of historical conditions that contributed to the emergence of secular social work, the predominance of women in this area of professional activity takes on a different significance. Treating separately the question of solidarity between political intervention on the one hand, and intervention in daily life on the other becomes apparent and provides a key to understanding this institutionalisation. This division can be understood by examining simultaneously the influence of gender in the construction of this public action, and the marginalisation of vulnerability as an intrinsic condition of human life.  As a consequence, solidarity as an organisational principle of interrelationship is undermined, exercise of political citizenship is suppressed and the collective dimension of social work is impeded. This understanding clarifies the contemporary issues under debate : collective action, social development, active solidarity, participation of supported individuals.  It contributes to enriching and expanding the ongoing reform beyond the questions of times and venues for training the professionals (m/f) concerned, impacting the chain of solidarity policies at the different levels of competence.