This study aims to shed light on the relationship between the commercial advertising model AIDA (Awareness/Attention, Interest, Desire, Action) and political television advertising, with a historical perspective being of extra interest. In order to do so, the study made use of theories concerning the AIDA-model, representation, rhetoric (with focus on ethos, pathos, and logos), and the professionalisation of political communication. The methodology involved qualitative analyses of 18 official political campaign advertisements from nine United States presidential elections between the years 1952-2016. One issue-ad from each candidate (Republicans and Democrats only) from every other election was strategically chosen for examination. Each advertisement was then analysed both as it relates to its rhetorical content as well as its structure with the defined four stages of the AIDA-model in mind, with any potential patterns between the rhetoric and the structure being taken into account. The results of the study suggest that while the AIDA-model can be recognised in political television advertisements in the United States since the inception in the 1950s, the advertisements from the post-modern phase of the professionalisation of political communication (1985-) seem to place more emphasis, compared to the modern phase (1950s-1985), on the desire stage of the AIDA-model. Furthermore, no distinct differences could be found between the parties from a pure rhetorical and structural standpoint, and both appear to be on practically identical evolutionary paths. An explanation to this could be the escalating reliance on hiring independent experts and specialist to manage the various areas involved with running a political campaign, which is a characteristic of the ever-increasingly professional environment of political communication.

The aim of this master thesis is to analyse how Czech political parties used social network to political communication before election in year 2013. The work tries to define the basic concepts of political marketing, political communication and new, modern forms of it associated with the Internet and social networks. In the analytical part I analyse Facebook profiles of selected parties. The work is complemented by scans of profiles, graphs and tables, which can help to understand the analysis. The analysis uses data from the annual reports of the parties, the publication of the Institute of Political Marketing, and most of its research interviews.

This diploma thesis is focused on the analysis of the political communication of two politicians in the Czech Republic: from the "ANO 2011" was chosen Andrej Babiš, and for the "SPD" was chosen, Tomio Okamura. The communication of selected politicians was examined on the social network "Facebook", which is the most commonly used social network among Czech politicians. The above-mentioned politicians use the new internet platforms relatively more than other politicians. Therefore, the author of this diploma thesis assumes that there will be in their communication present some new forms of political communication. Based on the defined criteria, which arose from the theoretical part of the thesis, a detailed analysis of the political communication of both politicians is performed and then compared. The political communication was examined based on the content of posts, the sound of shared posts, the form of the communication, the relevance of the shared messages, and the argumentation strategy. The shared posts were also assessed whether they are populist and if there are elements of personalization in the communication of Andrej Babiš and Tomio Okamura. This work aims to find out whether the elements defined above are used in the Facebook communication of the above-mentioned politicians.

[pt] Este projeto se insere no campo da Comunicação Política e tem como objetivo realizar uma análise comparada das mensagens veiculadas no Twitter por Jair Bolsonaro e Andrés Manuel López Obrador durante as últimas eleições presidenciais do Brasil e do México. Espera-se, assim, contribuir com os estudos do populismo na América Latina e com a discussão sobre como atores políticos populistas fazem campanhas eleitorais no contexto das regiões estudadas, se atentando, em especial, aos usos dados às oportunidades comunicacionais oferecidas pelos ambientes digitais. Primeiro, será apresentada uma contextualização teórica sobre o populismo, passando pela definição do conceito, pelo desenvolvimento histórico do populismo latino-americano e pela compreensão do populismo enquanto fenômeno comunicacional. Na sequência, o método de análise qualitativa de conteúdo informado pela teoria dos enquadramentos e utilizado neste trabalho será apresentado. Por fim, os resultados encontrados serão discutidos a partir de seus contextos e da teoria do populismo. / [en] This project belongs to the field of Political Communication and aims to do an comparative analysis of the messages posted on Twitter by Jair Bolsonaro and Andrés Manuel López Obrador during the last presidential elections in Brazil and Mexico. It is expected, therefore, to contribute to the studies of populism in Latin America and to the discussion on how populist political actors carry out electoral campaigns in the context of the studied regions, paying special attention to the uses given to the communication opportunities offered by digital environments. First, a theoretical contextualization of populism will be presented, passing through the definition of the concept, the historical development of Latin American populism and the understanding of populism as a communicational phenomenon. Next, the qualitative content analysis method informed by the framework theory and used in this work will be presented. Finally, the results found will be discussed through their contexts and the theory of populism.

The thesis describes the theory of agenda-setting together with methodology of agenda-setting research, relationship between politics and the media, and the media picture of drugs and its determinants, with a goal to create basis for analysis of political agenda-setting into the media (MF DNES, Právo) in the period of three months prior to the parliamentary elections in the Czech republic in the years 1996, 1998, 2002 and 2006. Framing of the drug issues in the media, related to politics, is identified in the qualitative part of the analysis. Proportions of frames in the media and the political discourse are then analysed quantitatively. The conclusions of the thesis are that politics sets the drug agenda to the media in the pre-election periods, which was supported by the comparision of media and politics framing of drug issues, but not supported by the comparision of pre-election media frames and non-election periods. The qualitative study also discovered that in three of four pre-election periods the drug issues were of great importace both to the media and the politics, as for the legislation process in 1996 and 1998 and as for an electoral campaign of one political party in 2006.

with which results. Through the analyses of data collected from Facebook's profiles of regional

Social media has changed political communication. Politicians social media posts, which are often prepared by their political marketers, fill content of traditional media. In this thesis the theoretical concepts of political communication on social media are presented. This thesis deals with how Strana zelených (Czech Greens) and Miljöpartiet de Gröna (Swedish Greens) communicate on social media, respectively it compares who and what is behind this communication on various political levels. It is demonstrated through thematic analysis, which is based on data from semi-structured interviews with administrators of selected social media profiles; through frequency analysis of types of posts on social media; and through quantitative analysis from the international project Online political communication strategies in 28 EU countries. The thesis describes the structures of the communication teams of both sides at different levels, and it describes the processes how the Facebook posts are created and who makes them. It also describes what communication strategies they use in interaction with Facebook users.

The increasing popularity of populist parties in Europe, demonstrated in particular by their electoral success, is attracting increasing attention from the academic community. Although the phenomenon of populism is nothing new and has already been reviewed from a number of different perspectives, it still represents a diverse field for deeper analysis. The thesis deals with the case of the French National Front and its changes during its most successful election campaigns, that is in the presidential elections in 2002 and 2017. Specifically, the thesis also focuses on political communication and especially on the change it has gone through at its management level. By comparing the performance of both leaders and their agenda, the work allows a closer insight into the problem of transforming the ideological base as well as the ways of political communication. The outcome of this work is the analysis comparing the election campaign of Jean-Marie Le Pen and his daughter Marine, the current party leader. The work also contributes to the debate around dédiabolisation, or the de-demonization of the National Front launched under the leadership of Marine Le Pen.

Communication of the European Parliament with the public takes place within various means and on different levels. This thesis offers an analysis of the European Parliament's communication strategy through the role-play game in the Brussels Parlamentarium. A role- play game simulating the legislative procedure of the European Union is available in all the EU official languages and it is targeted primarily at the youth between 15 and 18 years. The analysis is based on the political communication and political marketing theory, as well as on the concept of the role-play game as an educational tool. The methodological background of the analysis is embedded in the ethnographic research and its constituent methods, especially a participant observation and questionnaires survey, further completed by qualitative analysis of the visual and textual materials of the game. First, the advertising tools of the RPG are presented. Second, the course of the game is described and its transcript analysed. Third, the ways of reception of the activity by the participants are illustrated. The goal of the thesis is to show whether the role- play game is a successful communication tool of the European Parliament with the youth.

This Diploma Thesis, called Three years after the Brexit referendum: Analysis of the "Leave EU" and the "People's Vote" Twitter accounts examines communication of two Twitter accounts of the interest groups Leave.EU and People's Vote. Through quantitative content analysis, the thesis analyses the communication of both accounts, agenda setting and framing of content. The goal of this thesis is to examine the behaviour and profiling of both accounts and to find out to what extent is the content created based on reactions of the followers and how is this content framed.