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Demokratijos konsolidacija yra sudėtinė demokratizacijos proceso dalis, apibūdinanti naujai susikūrusios valstybės demokratijos būseną, išreiškiant ją per kokybės kriterijus, tokius kaip pilietinės visuomenės ar partinės sistemos būsena. Tuomet yra užduodamas klausimas - ar naujai susikūrusi demokratinė santvarka išsilaikys, ar neatlaikiusi įvairiausių spaudimų, grįš į autoritarinį režimą. Taip pat yra svarbus susikūrusios demokratijos kokybės klausimas. Aprašomuoju, lyginamuoju bei mokslinės analizės metodais buvo aprašytas demokratijos konsolidacijos teorinis aspektas bei susisteminti kriterijai, kuriais remiantis tolimesniuose skyriuose buvo atliekama kiekybinė bei kokybinė šių kriterijų analizė, paminint ir veiksnius bei prielaidas, kodėl būtent šie kriterijai buvo taikomi Lietuvos atvejui. Darbo objektas yra demokratijos konsolidacija Lietuvoje - jos istorija bei kokybės analizė. Darbo tikslui pasiekti buvo naudojami pripažintų autorių demokratizacijos kriterijai, pagal kuriuos buvo atlikta Lietuvos atvejo analizė. Darbo tikslas buvo išsiaiškinti, kokiame demokratijos konsolidacijos etape yra Lietuva ir ar šį procesą galima vadinti užbaigtu. Demokratizacijos procesas yra glaudžiai susijęs su daugeliu ekonominių, politinių bei visuomeninių sferų, tokių kai pilietinė visuomenė, ekonominė bei politinė kultūra bei domėjimasis politika apskritai. Todėl neabejotina, kad demokratijos konsolidacijos klausimas Lietuvoje yra labai svarbus. Sėkmingas demokratijos veikimas yra... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / The consolidation of democracy is a term that describes the status of newly created democracies, when the mode of transition is the issue of whether the newly created democracy will sustain his democratic order or collapse after won’t sustaining it’ s challenges In this study will also been emphasized the quality of democracy. This study will describe the consolidation of democracy in new democracies, history of these countries, with emphasis on the case of Lithuania. The work will be written with all the descriptive-exploratory research work required for the criteria, using empirical studies and theoretical research. Work item is the consolidation of democracy in Lithuania and it‘s history, which is defined as the transition from authoritarian to democratic regimes. Another important element of the study is the quality of democracy in Lithuania and their parameters which is far from the level of a stable Western democracies. Democratization process is related to many social, economic and political public spheres, such as the status of civil society, economic and political culture, and interest in politics in general. Therefore, there is no doubt that the consolidation of democracy in question is relevant. The smooth functioning of the democratic values of democracy and the desire to match the quality criteria of the old countries of the European Union compels us to review the existing problems and find solutions to the challenge. Work will begin with the theoretical... [to full text]

Following the breakup of the Soviet Union, many predicted there would be economic policy convergence, where it was assumed that the post-Soviet states would all transition into liberal-capitalist economies. Over twenty years later, these forecasts have been confounded by the wide divergence in the political-economic policy practices of the post-Soviet states, which has been particularly apparent between Latvia and Belarus. In terms of policy, Latvia made comprehensive liberal reforms to become a market economy and orient its policies close to Europe and away from Russia. Conversely, Belarus has taken a completely divergent path from Latvia, and has followed a consistent and clear pattern of behavior in regards to political-economic affairs, which could be described as being anti-liberal, anti-reform, and pro-Russian in orientation. Comparing Latvia and Belarus provides an excellent case study to build on International Relations, International Political Economy and Comparative Politics literature, because traditional theories have difficulty in explaining these states divergent policies. This dissertation uses political-cultural theoretical arguments to explain the divergent patterns of political-economic development between both countries, and builds on the rich body of multidisciplinary literature on cultural studies found within Social Constructivism to help understand the political-cultural context in which Latvia’s and Belarus’s policies were chosen. Specifically, this dissertation highlights that the predominant political-cultural worldviews in Latvia and Belarus, were shaped by the historic religious-cultural environment in which these states were situated, which have had a central influence on the patterns of domestic political-economic development chosen by each country since 1991. Additionally, this dissertation also shows that such worldviews had important implications for international relations, in that Latvia being historically situated in the sphere of Western Christian culture gravitated towards the West and away from the Russia, while Belarus being historically situated predominantly in the cultural sphere of Russian Orthodox Christianity was more naturally prone to gravitate towards closer relations with Russia, and away from Western Europe. This is important in pointing to the prime influence of religious-cultural worldviews in shaping political-economic behavior. In doing so my work addresses many gaps left by previous theoretical explanations on post-Soviet transformation. In terms of policy implications, the findings will have a wider applicability in helping to understand the types of political-economic development policies that are chosen by other states in post-Communist, post-authoritarian, and post-colonial contexts, which are experiencing extensive transformation and integration into the global economy.

This thesis challenges the view that the Republic of Mali is a model of democratization in Africa with the aim of opening the conceptual framework of democratic citizenship inherent in the democratization discourse to greater critical scrutiny. The ‘enthusiastic’ view is held and set forth by various segments of the unity-seeking ruling class (local and foreign, State and NGO) of bringing to Mali a Western-oriented, procedurally minimal democracy, and citizen identity commensurate with international financial institutions’ and donor countries’ vision of democratization as political and economic liberalization. Consequently, this hegemonic project co-opts selected indigenous and Islamic idioms of political and social identity, to reinvent democratization as ‘moral governance.’ Cosmopolitan upper and upper-middle class actors thus apologize for highly personalized politics at the national and local levels, and articulate these more broadly with idioms of recovering rectitude and social cohesion that preserve and reproduce hierarchical social norms. In Malian political culture and in the scholarship of Malian political change, the hegemonic project of citizen identity formation becomes more evident as a construction, as discourses, norms, and practices produced and reproduced by privileged actors. Moreover, the contested character of these constructions becomes evident only as we address the development and deployment of selectively synthesized indigenous, Islamic, and Western-democratic norms, practices, and institutions of citizenship in contemporary Mali. Without a more embedded sense of political membership and identity, the merely procedural democratic project remains vulnerable to challenges from multiple, alternative sites of moral, social, and political authority. / Thesis (Ph.D, Political Studies) -- Queen's University, 2007-10-05 14:29:24.802

Isaac J. Barrera, a noted scholar of Ecuadorian literature, succinctly described the nineteenth-century Liberal essayist, Juan Montalvo, in this way. "Two completely different aspects exist in the intellectual personality of Montalvo, that of the elegant, traditional writer ... and that of the terrible polemicist, possessing a scathing pen [and] ignited rage." Indeed, it was Montalvo's "scathing pen" and "ignited rage" combined with his exceptional mastery of the Castillian language which distinguished his writing from that of other Ecuadorian reformers. Yet, the Ecuadorian's insulting polemics and violent rhetoric encouraged and perpetuated an already existing "culture of revolution" in Ecuador. Indeed, the eyes of the country seemed fixed on Montalvo. He was at the center of Ecuadorian political thought and he personified the hope of those of radical opinion. For example, in 1875, after reading The Perpetual Dictator, his polemical pamphlet directed against the tyrannical practices of then Ecuadorian President, Gabriel Garcia Moreno, three of Montalvo's disciples assassinated the Dictator. Montalvo, believing he now had proof of the power of his words, exclaimed, "No doubt my ideas took root; ... it is my pen that killed him."This thesis will examine three aspects of Juan Montalvo and the culture of revolution in Ecuador. The second chapter entitled, "'It is My Pen that Killed Him!': The Assassination of Garcia Moreno," will examine Montalvo's rhetoric of violence and its results. Chapter three, "Montalvo as Icon: Nationalism, Personalism and Rebellion," will explore how a nation's heroes influence the cultural and revolutionary flavor of the particular region or country. The fourth chapter, "Indoctrination of the Innocent: Montalvo in Education," will analyze how the culture of revolution has not only penetrated Ecuadorian education but is perpetuated through the education of the Ecuadorian youth.This investigation will also provide supplemental awareness of Montalvo's general motives as well as a representative sketch of a nineteenth-century, Latin American liberal. An understanding of this Ecuadorian is also necessary for related research regarding other twentieth-century, Spanish speaking authors, such as Miguel Unamuno, for whom Montalvo was an influential figure. Furthermore, a clear assessment of Montalvo, and the forces against which he fought, portrays Latin American authoritarianism and personalism and reflects the social and religious mentality of the Ecuadorian elite and middle class in the nineteenth century. Despite Montalvo's influential position in Ecuador and his worldwide reputation as an opponent of tyranny and defender of liberty, only a few select passages of his writings have been translated into English. Likewise, English language scholarship on Montalvo is sorely lacking; most of the few existing articles are sparse, replete with errors, and tailored to a popular audience. / Department of History

This study looks at political culture and socialisation responses to Integrated Water Resource Management (IWRM). It identifies political culture and socialisation as part of a process, the development of a political culture with specific attitudes, cognitions, and feelings towards the political system. Political culture and socialisation impart the knowledge of how to act politically, i.e. how to apply values in formulating demands and making claims on the political system. They form a connecting link between micro- and macro-politics. The study maintains that political orientations are handed down from one generation to another, through the process of political socialisation. Top-down and bottom-up influences come into play to augment a discourse on the global nature of political socialisation and the political culture of international societies with regard to IWRM and governance ideologies. It is argued that these international ideas become relevant in the national political agenda, civil society organisations and trans-national networks. The IWRM aspects of water as an economic good and a basic human right have become a two-edged sword in the South African context. The study reveals that politics stand at the epicentre of water problems, and that IWRM is a political-ethical issue which challenges power bases in many communities. The IWRM global norms of equitable, efficient and sustainable use of water resources have become a major problem in a water-scarce country burdened with economic inequalities and abject poverty. This is a pressing issue because there is an increasing demand for water to sustain the development necessary to redress the draconian ills of the apartheid past. This becomes evident in the fundamental legislative overhaul that has taken place since 1994, embracing a transformation culture that glorifies the norm of water not only as a fundamental human right, but also as a commodity that is necessary to sustain human dignity. It is here that water is politicised. Violent protests have erupted in reaction to perceived neo-liberal attempts to deny the poor their access to this resource. The political culture and socialisation responses as far as IWRM is concerned appear within fragmented lines, i.e. mainly black and poor communities embrace a culture of non-payment for services and resort to violent protests as a viable method to raise their concerns. In contrast, the white and middle-class communities manifest a tendency to form parallel local government structures; they then withhold rate payments and provide services for themselves through ratepayer associations. Finally, the study considers the South African context with regard to the manifestations of political culture, and how this influences water resources. It is evident that there is too much emphasis on politics at the expense of discussions on IWRM. Civil society organisations make very little attempt to encourage public participation in water management structures. It also appears that political elites who are disillusioned with civil society organisations tend to derail their efforts to educate the public on water management structures. / MA, Political Studies, North-West University, Vaal Triangle Campus, 2011

Lancashire redefined popular politics and national identity in its own image. The perceived threat of invasion by Napoleon, together with the Irish Rebellion, sustained the evolution in extra-parliamentary politics that had begun in reaction to the American and French revolutions. The meanings and principles of 'radicalism,' 'loyalism' and 'Britain' continued to be debated and contested in 1798-1812. Elite loyalism became even more exclusive, developing into the Orange movement. Radicals remained silent until the Napoleonic invasion scares had faded and opportunities arose for renewed vocal criticisms of government foreign and economic policy from 1806. Conflicts re- emerged between radicals and loyalists in the middle classes and gentry which provided the training for a new generation of postwar radical leaders and the popularity of the free trade campaign. Inhabitants of Lancashire felt British in reaction to the French and Irish, but it was a Lancashire Britishness. Political identities and actions followed national patterns of events but were always marked with a regional stamp. This was in part because most political movements were held together by a shared 'sense of place' rather than vague notions of class-consciousness or shared class identity. A sense of place manifested itself in the regional organisation of strikes, petitions and the Orange institution. Furthermore, it could also entail a common bitter or defiant provincialism against the government or monarchy. In an atmosphere of anti-corruption and a growing desire for peace, this provincial frustration ironically brought professed loyalists closer to radicalism in campaigns against the Orders in Council and other government policies. Provincialism and other elements of regional identity ensured that any ideas of Britishness were tempered through local concerns and allegiances, but an identity with the nation that was not an acquiescent acceptance of national tropes and stereotypes. Lancashire Britishness was commercial, manufacturing, and above all, independent from homogenisation and the impositions of government.

Contemporary attitudes in affluent Western societies are characterised by a growing emphasis on individual freedom. What, then, does this commitment to liberty entail for our openness to diversity; and ultimately for liberal democracy? Previous research on popular attitudes, for example by Ronald Inglehart, tends to assume that valuing freedom entails an encouragement of a plurality of life-styles. This thesis, by contrast, argues that there are several ideals of freedom in public opinion; ideals that may have opposing consequences for our permissiveness towards ways of life that differ from our own. The introductory essay in this book suggests that Isaiah Berlin’s theory of positive and negative freedom provides a fruitful analytical framework, which helps theorise and empirically nuance our picture of popular ideals of freedom. Essay I goes on to present a novel, psychological, interpretation of Berlin’s Two Concepts of Liberty. This essay also suggests that Berlin was critical not only of enlightened ideals of positive liberty, but also of romantic ones, which might be even more widespread today. Essay II then applies Berlin’s framework to contemporary survey data. Through confirmatory factor and regression analyses, this essay demonstrates that Berlin’s negative-positive distinction does in fact hold also in popular opinion; and that the two dimensions have rather different effects on moral and legal permissiveness. Essay III, finally, revisits a recent example of disrespect in the name of liberty: the Danish cartoon controversy. This essay develops the concept of ‘romantic liberalism’, thereby deepening our knowledge of romantic ideals of positive liberty, and their particularly disrespectful tendencies. Drawing on Isaiah Berlin, and his critique of positive liberty, the essays in this thesis together suggest that it is crucial for liberal democracy to recognise the existence of treacherous liberties: ideals that lead their supporters to ridicule, condemn, or even prohibit ways of life that differ from their own – all in the name of liberty. / The Impact of Religion

Zugl.: Berlin, Humboldt-Universiẗat, Diss., 2006.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Texas at Austin, 2002. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references. Available also from UMI Company.