Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This work aimed discussing the political culture and the law field in Brazil, by the analysis of Conselho Nacional de Justiça (CNJ), a state structure created through constitucional amendment nº 45/04 and idealized for the accomplishment of administrative control and fiscalization of judiciary power. The research tried to indentify if the performance and results of CNJ is linked to a movement witch seems to improve social e state institutions witch work wth the ideas of counting, transparency and real punition for public agents whom deviate from the public interest, descriptions that take us to the term accountability. Also, the work sought to comprehend the way how has been always showed up the relationship of brazilian society with power, images usually linked to the notions of privileges, and construction of social hierarchies, and, in this theoretical kick-off, introducing an analysis of control of power in this point of view. For obtaining results, was listened five counselors, a judge and two members from the statistic sector. Yet, we visited a public audience promoted by CNJ, at Recife, where it was possible to take notes about the significance and relevance of the meeting, and also interview some of the people there. It was made a analysis of normative texts edited by CNJ and inspection reports, emphasizing the administrative control aspects. The work has also studied the law field, aiming a panoramic view of this arena, its disputes, its agents, and objects in dispute. Because CNJ members are always people related to law field, this fact pushed into a specifically research of this space. The results pointed to a possible change in the reality of brazilian judiciary service considering the performance of CNJ in its beginning. At first, CNJ tried to elaborate a map, a panoramic view of the problems in judiciary and, with the informations in its hands, converged efforts for solutions. This diagnosis was able to conclude that there was no idea or spirit of a public service and, much less, of professional public management, at brazilian judiciary. The normative texts edited by CNJ as resolution nº 07/05, witch has made illegal the nepotism, and also the resolution 75/09, witch disciplines the concession of daily incomes for trips, for example comes as reaction to a complete absence of control that as the conclusions pointed has never existed at that power. The analysis suggests that CNJ can be considered an accountability public agency, and considering a more abstract theoretical view, that, its performance (into a social e historical context) might reflect a social change about the conception of power and social hierarchies. / O presente trabalho visou discutir a cultura política e o campo jurídico brasileiro, a partir da análise do Conselho Nacional de Justiça, órgão 45/04 e que foi trazido com o objetivo de realizar o controle administrativo do poder judiciário nacional. A pesquisa procurou identificar se a existência e forma de atuação daquele órgão inseriam-se em um movimento de aprimoramento de instituições estatais e da sociedade civil que têm como alvo a prestação de contas, transparência e possibilidade de punição de desvios quando se trata de agentes do poder público, descrição que remete ao termo accountability. Buscou, também, por meio da bibliografia referente ao tema, compreender a forma com que se ilustrou a relação da sociedade brasileira com o poder, imagens estas corriqueiramente vinculadas às noções de privilégios e construção de hierarquias sociais, e neste passo, introduzindo uma análise de controle do poder sobre esse ponto de vista. Para a obtenção de resultados, foram ouvidos, no CNJ, cinco conselheiros do órgão, um juiz-auxiliar da corregedoria e dois diretores da área de estatística do conselho. Ainda, acompanhou-se uma audiência pública promovida pelo Conselho, realizada no Recife, na qual se colheu impressões acerca do significado e relevância do evento, além de entrevistas com presentes. Ainda operou-se uma análise de textos normativos e materiais produzidos pelo CNJ, como resoluções e relatórios de inspeções, dando-se ênfase no aspecto do controle administrativo. O trabalho procurou mergulhar no campo jurídico, com intuito de esboçar um retrato desta arena, fazendo referência às disputas, aos agentes, e aos objetos de luta. O fato de o CNJ ser formado inteiramente de agentes inseridos no campo jurídico instigou a análise em específico deste espaço. Os resultados apontaram para uma possível mudança de realidade no serviço judiciário brasileiro a partir da intervenção do CNJ. O órgão, em primeiro lugar, buscou um mapeamento dos problemas existentes e, de ciência de parte deles, canalizou esforços para sua solução. Este diagnóstico, em primeiro plano, constatou uma significativa ausência da ideia de serviço público e, muito menos, de gestão pública no judiciário. As resoluções disciplinadoras editadas pelo CNJ, como a Res. 07/05, que proibiu o nepotismo, e que disciplina a concessão de diárias para viagens, como exemplo, vem como reação a uma completa falta de controle que sempre existiu naquele poder. A análise empreendida a partir dos dados coletados sugeriu que o CNJ pode ser considerado órgão de accountability, e num plano teórico mais abstrato, que sua atuação (considerada dentro de um contexto histórico e social) pode refletir uma mudança social quanto à concepção de poder e hierarquias sociais.

Orientador: Rachel Meneguello / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade EStadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencais Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-12T20:51:59Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Silva_RobertBonifacioda_M.pdf: 1399207 bytes, checksum: d1df35d96cbffebc828d975861bb864c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009 / Resumo: Esta dissertação pesquisa um aspecto importante do comportamento político dos cidadãos brasileiros: a formação de apoio popular à democracia em período recente. Mais especificamente, procura entender se o desempenho governamental, definido como o conjunto de avaliações de aspectos econômicos, políticos e os relacionados aos serviços públicos, são relevantes para gerar apoio ao regime democrático em nosso país. Ao contrário dos estudos da literatura especializada, incorpora a utilização e a avaliação de serviços públicos - ao nível individual - como um elemento do desempenho governamental e dedica especial atenção aos seus efeitos nas análises. A fonte empírica é o survey "A desconfiança dos cidadãos nas instituições democráticas", realizado nacionalmente em Junho de 2006 e financiado pela Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP) / Abstract: This study investigates an important aspect of Brazilian citizen's political behavior: the popular support for democracy in the recent period. Specifically, it investigates if the governmental performance, that is, the set of economic and political evaluations, and the evaluation of public services, are relevant to the support to democracy in the country. Unlike studies of specialized literature, this present research incorporates the experience and the evaluation of public services - at individual level - as a constitutive aspect of governmental performance and it puts special attention to these effects on the analyses. The empirical basis is the national survey "The citizens' distrust on democratic institutions", conducted in June, 2006 and financed by the Sao Paulo Foundation for Scientific Research (FAPESP) / Mestrado / Ciencia Politica / Mestre em Ciência Política

Orientador: Renato Jose Pinto Ortiz / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-12T21:09:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Marzochi_SamiraFeldman_D.pdf: 2224307 bytes, checksum: 9687e6d19aac362feffa18bd5f3f5bd3 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009 / Resumo: A tese analisa a ONG Internacional Greenpeace, sob a perspectiva da cultura política, orientada pelas seguintes questões: podem as ONGs Internacionais ser consideradas "contra-poderes"? Deve-se realmente levar em conta a existência de uma "sociedade civil mundial"? Primeiro, são verificados os prováveis espaços institucionais de ação para ONGs Internacionais, como o Sistema das Nações Unidas e suas agências especializadas. Posteriormente, uma organização em particular é escolhida para estudo em âmbito mais amplo. A partir do contexto contracultural do surgimento do Greenpeace, são analisados sua cosmologia, produção de conhecimento, uso da ciência como fonte de legitimação, novas práticas políticas, produção de imagens, "ciberativismo", ações-diretas, e a validade do termo "sociedade civil mundial". O conceito de "tecnologia intelectual" serve de elemento articulador da análise, especialmente quanto à produção de informações e imagens, apropriação do conhecimento científico, e quanto ao "ciberativismo", ainda que sejam expressadas as suas limitações. Por fim, é apresentado o conceito de Metamodernidade / Abstract: The thesis analyzes the international NGO Greenpeace in the perspective of political culture, guided by the following questions: can international NGOs be considered "counter-powers"? Should one really take into account the existence of a "world-wide civil society"? First, the probable institutional spaces in which international NGOs can act have been analyzed, such as the United Nations system and its specialized agencies. Subsequently, a specific organization has been chosen to be studied in a wider context. Starting from the countercultural context in which Greenpeace came into being, its cosmology, knowledge production, use of science as a source of legitimization, new political practices, image production, "cyber-activism", direct actions, and the validity of the term "world-wide civil society" have been analyzed. The concept of "intellectual technology", even with its limitations delineated, serves as the articulating element of the analysis, especially regarding the production of information and images, appropriation of scientific knowledge and "cyber-activism". Finally, the concept of Metamodernity is presented / Doutorado / Doutor em Sociologia

Made available in DSpace on 2014-08-20T13:46:45Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Paulo_Sergio_Mansija_Pinto.pdf: 3110197 bytes, checksum: e1a824c92ebfef14b01bd2dcce9964b9 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-12-17 / The Culture politics according to Almond and Verba (1963) is to the orientations specifically politics, the attitudes with respect to the system politician, its diverse parts and the paper of the citizen in the public life. To the measure that if explicit the standards of distribution of orientation for the action politics, the Culture Politics helps to bind individual trends to the characteristics of a system. In this scope it was objectified to investigate the culture politics of the riograndino citizen, breaking of the hypothesis of the culture politics of the riograndino citizen to show personalist and pragmatic, marked for phenomena as the discredit and the diffidence in relation to the politics and the politicians, beyond a strong feeling of inefficacy politics. Such phenomena would disclose to a culture fragmented and skeptical politics. It will be used as the quantitative research arrives in a set methodological, constituted of a sample of conglomerates (tax sector) of 400 voters of the urban area. Randomly it was defined, in a universe of (xnº) sectors of the city, (xnº) of sectors to search. Stipulating 10 questionnaires to the minimum sector, 15 to intermediary and 20 to the maximum. Survey composes in 24 questions for instrument form, searched to investigate 0 variable related to the partner-demographic characteristics, interest for politics, partisan preference, decision of the vote, and factors in the electoral choice, vote for mayor and councilmen, confidence in the institutions politics and participation politics of the citizens. The data harvested for the empirical research had corroborated the hypothesis; however, the research displayed peculiarities of the system local politician not foreseen. The biggest obstacle to the research is the complexity of if apprehending the reality, demanding research in times thus alternated to prove the regularity of the behavior politician, therefore the sounding of a moment. / A Cultura Política, segundo Almond e Verba (1963), são as orientações especificamente políticas, as atitudes com respeito ao sistema político, suas diversas partes e o papel do cidadão na vida pública. À medida que se explicita os padrões de distribuição de orientação para a ação política, a Cultura Política ajuda a ligar tendências individuais às características de um sistema. Nesse âmbito, objetivou-se sondar a cultura política do cidadão riograndino, partindo-se da hipótese da cultura política do cidadão riograndino revelar-se personalista e pragmática, marcada por fenômenos como o descrédito e a desconfiança em relação à política e aos políticos, além de um forte sentimento de ineficácia política. Tais fenômenos revelariam uma cultura política fragmentada e cética. Utilizou-se como aporte metodológico a pesquisa quantitativa, constituída de uma amostra por conglomerados (setor censitário) de 400 eleitores da área urbana. Aleatoriamente definiu-se, em um universo de (xnº) setores da cidade, (xnº) de setores a pesquisar. Estipulando-se 10 questionários ao setor mínimo, 15 ao intermediário e 20 ao máximo. O survey compõe-se de 24 questões por instrumento formulário, buscou sondar variáveis relacionadas às características sócio-demográficas, interesse por política, preferência partidária, decisão do voto, fatores na escolha eleitoral, voto para prefeito e para vereadores, confiança nas instituições políticas e participação política dos cidadãos. Os dados colhidos pela pesquisa empírica corroboraram a hipótese, no entanto, a pesquisa expôs peculiaridades do sistema político local não previstas. O maior óbice à pesquisa é a omplexidade de se apreender a realidade, assim demandando pesquisas em tempos alternados para comprovar a regularidade do comportamento político, por isso a sondagem de um momento.

Standardized testing is a defining feature of contemporary American society. It not only governs how people are channeled through their schooling; it amplifies existing social disparities. Nonetheless, standardized testing endures, namely because it has served as a vital tool for the post-1945 American state. The postwar state prioritized, on the one hand, the cultivation of intellects resilient enough to sustain American geopolitical supremacy through scientific discovery and technological innovation and, on the other hand, the maintenance of an obedient population that would not disrupt existing social hierarchies. Standardized testing helped the postwar state solve this mind-body dilemma. As a function for social order, standardized testing provided the means for governing bodies to make sense of their citizens—particularly to gauge the skills, knowledge, and ability youth could eventually bring into a labor force. Standardized testing thus makes it clear not just who the so-called best and brightest are, but how well a population of students has adjusted to a set of educational norms the state has deemed necessary for future social success. Standardized testing is thus a way to monitor and enforce educational compliance with projected state and social needs. This dissertation examines how standardized testing became a vital instrument for the postwar state—and, in turn, how this state dependence on standardized testing fueled several larger postwar political cultures. This dissertation also focuses on the tension between the ways the state made sense of its citizens and the ways citizens made sense of society through standardized tests. Standardized testing acted as a massive social sorter in postwar America, but with time, many groups of Americans began to question the wisdom of educational reliance on standardized testing, as well as challenge the foundational assumptions about what testing actually measured. African-Americans, women, and working-class Americans pursued legal, legislative, and academic methods to push back against unjust standardized testing practices. This resistance also often provoked responses from those who had great stakes—whether socioeconomic or corporate—in maintaining the use and meaning of standardized tests. Politicians, parents, consumer advocates, academics, educational reformers, feminists, civil rights activists, entrepreneurs, and white supremacists all interpreted standardized testing scores and trends for larger political ends, often using similar information as their opponents to stake far different positions about race, gender, class, and merit. Yet, as more Americans questioned the legitimacy of standardized testing, they often reinforced standardized testing data’s use as a rhetorical tool, ultimately entrenching testing data as a way to make sense of society, even as more and more Americans find testing regimes purposeless. This dissertation shows that, by the beginning of the twenty-first century, standardized testing data had become a potent tool for contending who mattered and who did not for America’s future. Because debates about standardized testing’s social utility often hinged on the meaning of test data—whether it reflected objective truths about the natural distribution of mental aptitudes or, instead, exposed the biases psychologists built into their devices as well as the prejudicial baggage that informed laypeople’s interpretation of statistical information—standardized testing itself continues to have value as a political weapon. Whether or not one has a specific policy proposal for the future use of standardized testing, its rhetorical function as a symbol for what is wrong with America will continue to fuel numerous, often oppositional, debates.

[pt] O presente trabalho tem como objetivo a análise das novas configurações assumidas pelo primeiro damismo dos municípios do Estado do Rio de Janeiro. O estudo se fundamenta nas diferentes perspectivas de identidades sociais com as quais as mulheres se apresentaram no espaço público ao longo de um processo histórico. Assim, analisa figuras femininas representativas de diferentes imagens sociais, com relação ao papel das mulheres na sociedade, tanto no período da realeza portuguesa quanto no pós anos 30 brasileiro. Fazem parte desta análise conceitos de mediação social e cultura política assim como a sua relação com a implementação da Assistência Social enquanto política pública descentralizada em nível dos municípios. Estes se deparam com a necessidade de mudanças na sua forma de atuação, incluindo o primeiro damismo. Diante desta nova realidade apresentada, as primeiras-damas estão sendo compelidas a assumir tanto papéis de caráter mais técnico, definidos na gestão da política pública, quantos aqueles decorrentes do imaginário social acerca da mulher contemporânea. Em consequência, vimos que as mulheres - primeiras-damas dos municípios analisados - assumem novas roupagens em suas atuações sociais. / [en] The present study claims to analyze the new settings taken by the first layness in the metropolitan regions of RJ. The study on based in the different perspectives of social identities and images related to the role of women in society since the Portuguese royalty period until the Brazilian post-30. Mediating concepts and political culture and their relation of the implementation of the social work while decentralized public politics at municipal level many be part of the analysis. These places - the municipalities - have the need to change their form of action including the first ladyness. According to the new presented scenario, the first ladies are being compelled to take roles of more technical character, defined by the public politics ways, and also those taken from the social imaginary of the contemporary woman. As a result, we may notice that the firstladies from the analised places take new clothes in their social acts.

This thesis is focused on analyzing the reforms of the electoral system in Ukraine, during the period from gaining independence to the present. The main goal is to determine the reasons of the electoral reforms, and which political entities have become initiators of those changes in case of (non) existence inherent factors. The hypothesis of the thesis is whether political entities sought to maintain or strengthen its position in the Parliament, rather than contribute to the improvement of the electoral process.

Mexico's cultural norms have been the subject of repeated inquiries because democratic and authoritarian patterns appear concomitantly. However, few have focused on the potential demographic and contextual sources of these divergent results. This study attempts to clarify the sources of Mexico's political culture, and then determine the extent to which these factors affect political participation. Statistical analysis of a LAPOP dataset from 2006 makes limited progress to this end. The sources of Mexican political culture remain somewhat a mystery, although some intriguing results were found. Most notably, demographic traits appear to have little influence on political culture variables and political participation rates in Mexico. In fact, political culture norms and political participation appears consistent across Mexico's infamous social and economic lines.

El presente artículo se propone revisar la relación existente entre los iletrados y la cultura política en el Perú del siglo XIX, tomando como base fuentes primarias y estadísticas. De acuerdo con la información presentada, los iletrados participaron de manera activa en las elecciones hasta su exclusión legal en 1896, cuando se privilegió la lectoescritura como requisito para obtener la ciudadanía. El texto, además de ofrecer la posibilidad de analizar la participación popular en la política de la época, examina la rica cultura impresa que se desarrolló durante las ocho primeras décadas del Perú republicano.---Based on primary sources and statistical data, this article examines the relationship between literacy and political culture in nineteenth-century Peru. Keeping in mind that literacy was not a restrictive condition for citizenship, many people could be considered citizens. Furthermore, a study of a variety of texts published during the period between 1810 and 1896 will help us to analyze popular participation in politics and will shed light on the rich printed culture that flourished at that time. This study concludes that illiterates participated actively in elections and in the political culture until they were excluded in 1896.

The purpose of this master thesis is to understand how political culture was negotiated during times of extreme external conditions, through the example of the parliamentary debates during the famine years 1726–1727. The result is based on the parliamentary protocols of 1726–1727 under the Age of Freedom. To answer the purpose of this study, four questions have been constructed. How was the crop failure and its consequences described? During the summer of 1726 Sweden was struck by a severe famine as a result of a poor harvest. The livestock were weakened and the farms had fallen into destitute. The peasants had to gather roots, bark, and moss to survive. Even the nobility described their own cultural habits and assets as being threatened and damaged. The local community felt that they could not live up to the demands made by the central power. What solutions did the local community propose or demand from the central power to tackle the consequences of the crop failure? The high taxation and lack of money, together with a strictly regulated trade, made the peasants feel forsaken, especially compared to other groups. The main strategies to gain the central powers approval was to show submission, refer to the law and try to compromise. But, when the central power did not respond to the peasants demands they threatened to leave their political duties. If the peasants had left, the entire political system could have collapsed. With what arguments did the central power respond to these problems? The central power feared that if they allowed the peasants to trade to a greater extent, they would perhaps engage in trade rather than in agriculture. They also feared an increased risk of fraud if the market opened up for a more mobile trade, which reflected the suspicion of a lack of morality among the peasants. The lack of trust was also an excuse to exclude the peasants from the Secret committee. The political distribution of power was considered by the peasants to be a political failure. Without the insight into the Secret committee, the peasants could not use economic arguments in the debate. How can the debate about crop failure and famine be understood as an example of political culture? Instead of the peasantry protesting with rebellion against the central powers levies, the Riksdag can be regarded as a safety valve, where the central power and the local society could find middle ground. If the demands of the local community did not collide with other groups' interests, then there was a good chance of getting temporary reliefs or increased freedom of trade.