The American Royalties Too (ART) Act of 2014 is the most recent attempt to create a resale royalty, or droit de suite, for visual artists in America. This would entitle visual artists to collect a royalty payment for sales of their work in the secondary market, specifically sales occurring at public auctions. The droit de suite was created in France in 1920, and is now part of the Berne Convention for the Protection of Literary and Artistic Works, which protects copyrights internationally. The purpose of this paper is to examine the history of droit de suite rights in the United States and abroad, and to analyze the currently proposed ART Act, its limitations, and its potential to create financial benefits for artists.

This paper seeks to examine the relationship between racial heterogeneity and academic performance and success on a statewide basis. With extensive literature examining the causes and implications of the achievement gap present between white and minority students, I utilized the prior research and focused on how ethnic and racial heterogeneity in states could be a determinant of success or failure of student performance. My results yielded implications that coincided with previous studies – that an increase in the non-white population of a state negatively contributed to expected average academic performance. Additionally, the findings had some implications supporting studies that demonstrate that heterogeneity can decrease economic productivity, trust levels, and inclination to flourish socially, by means of lower expected educational attainment.

Modern trade theory suggests that protectionist policies hinder exports by altering domestic prices and production incentives. This paper examines the effect of import tariffs on Mexican non-oil exports through a comprehensive analysis of the Mexican trade sector, including a breakdown of the most important free trade agreements for the Mexican economy, information on Mexican resource mobility and factor endowment, and analysis on Mexico’s tariff structure. The paper finds that import tariffs on both intermediate and final goods have a direct and significant effect on exports, alluding to the existence of an anti-export bias, and argues that free trade is the most effective way to promote exports and allow for domestic price readjustment.

Coal mining carries significant impacts for surrounding livelihood practices. Yet, in order to explain how specific impacts become grounded within a particular community, attention must be given to the complex assemblage of socio-political and economic forces operating at the local scale. As such, this paper builds upon 3 months of field research in 2010 to describe the impact of decentralized extractive resource governance at coal mines near the rural coastal village of Sekerat, East Kalimantan. Employing evolutions in political ecology research, the analysis focuses on the evolving governance ‘space’ in order to explain how institutional analyses of resource extraction governance and livelihood governance can be integrated to understand how scalar processes construct a range of real and perceived impacts which condition the decision-making modalities of local villagers. A case is then made for giving greater consideration to the importance of temporality and materiality to explaining how land-based and wage-labour livelihood practices have become ‘reified’ within the local village.

The research question animating this project is ‘what is the nature of neoliberalism’s influence on recent and contemporary US climate change policy?’ Situating itself against several growing bodies of literature which have sought to underscore the fetishism of markets in recent environmental and climate policy agendas under neoliberalism – e.g., the work of Heynen et al (2007) on ‘neoliberal environments’; Paterson and Newell’s (2010) work on neoliberalism and carbon markets; and the work of Dryzek et al (2003) on state forms and ecological modernization – this project argues that any such analysis must be predicated on a considerably more nuanced conception of (a) ‘neoliberalism’, (b) the historic role of states in fostering accumulation, and (c) the nature of policy development within any specific neoliberal context. Applying these theoretical re-conceptualizations to the American context, the project argues that a central tension informing contemporary US climate policy under neoliberalism can be understood a stand-off between two prevailing logics in the federal policy process: on the one hand, Washington’s attempt to build on its tradition of using state power to foster high-tech market development by cultivating the alternative energy realm as a developmental state project, and on the other, the anti-regulationist bent of neoliberalism which seeks to delegitimize the ‘pull’ policies required to ‘creatively destroy’ conventional energy and animate domestic alternative energy markets. Against the general conception of the US as a ‘climate laggard’ whose policy options are restricted market mechanisms and generally anathema to progressive ecological modernization, this body of work shows how the US has managed to develop a robust set of interventionist ‘push’ and ‘pull’ climate policies along ‘alternative policy pathways’, despite the prevailing anti-state rhetoric of neoliberalism.

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The history of colonialism is generally associated with the authoritarian regimes of the sixteenth century that expanded their reign for the purpose of material aggrandizement. Problems arise, however, when colonial regimes espouse explicit concern for the welfare of the subject population. Through a reading of British colonial discourse on India, as represented by the Economist newspaper, John Stuart Mill, George Campbell, and John William Kaye, I argue that market capitalism was seen as the means by which ‘backward’ Indian subjects would be ‘improved.’ But this ‘civilizing mission’ exposed Indian society to unprecedented violence as the British sought to enforce its conformity to a system of proprietorship and commercial production. To explain the paradox inherent to liberal colonialism I will employ the concept of biopolitics as developed by Michel Foucault. Biopolitics explains how the prioritization of ‘life’ leads, not to peaceful existence, but to efforts to eliminate elements of human activity deemed inimical to the reproduction of the species. In colonial India this took the form of adjudicating subjects’ ability to adapt to, and create, the circumstances for industry to flourish, showing that at its core, British rule in India represented an assault on the indeterminacy of life itself.

The recent rediscovery of institutions in the study of international development has drawn considerable attention to macro arrangements, but sparked much less interest in mid-range, sectoral institutions and how they are reshaped under dynamic domestic and nondomestic constraints. This study joins the few examples of this latter research focus by offering a typology of sectoral institutional pathways in contemporary late developers. The typology incorporates four variables: pre-existing institutions, international norms, technocratic engineering, and coalition politics. It is argued that from careful pairings of these variables, for which the sectoral effects of internationalization and the intensity of domestic political competition are used as the main criteria, it is possible to deduce distinct ideal-typical pathways: insulated accommodation, insulated innovation, negotiated accommodation, and negotiated innovation. The typology models the complexity of institutional trajectories, but it cannot predict concrete institutional profiles. Its value is in providing guidance for empirical analysis. The bulk of the study is devoted to applying this framework to the evolution of Turkey’s fiscal, financial and agricultural regimes of governance from 1980 to 2007. This comparative exercise unlocks several empirical mysteries at once: the failure of Turkish governments in the 1990s to readjust the novel fiscal and banking regimes to preempt the perils of democratic instability and rapid financial integration; the surprising persistence of populist-corporatist forms of market governance in agriculture despite the neoliberalism of the 1980s and 1990s; the stark divergence in reform outcomes across these regimes during the intense restructuring efforts of the 2000s; some odd instances of institutional complementarity; and the exotic twists in the fortunes of Turkish peasants and bankers throughout the entire period. A separate chapter extends the typology to four non-Turkish cases to gain comparative insight into the different types of reshaping: Chinese banking, South Korean corporate governance, Mexican agriculture, and Argentine labor markets. Among the main findings of the study are the need to get beyond dichotomous notions of institutional continuity and change, the problematicity of the quest for good institutions via externally-inspired reforms, and the value of mid-range institutional analysis for understanding shifts in collective fortunes and preferences under processes of macro-transformation.

This thesis uses a staples-based political economy approach, supplemented with regulation theory, to investigate why Canadian governments pursued interventionist or non-interventionist approaches to oil export policies over the years 1949-2002. Three distinct paradigms over this time period are identified and examined at multiple levels of analysis, with a focus on power relations as causal factors. Structural biases of the Canadian economy, namely staples dependence and continentalism, combined with entrenched political cleavages of national identity and federalism to influence the success or failure of paradigms of oil export policy. External crises and power shifts precipitated the creation and destruction of these paradigms. In between these transformations, hegemonies formed based upon social, political, and economic arrangements that mutually supported the negotiation of major structural cleavages. Finally, conclusions are drawn about the role of labour as a catalyst for the development of a new interventionist, anti-continentalist paradigm in oil policy.

Nursing has a tradition of subservience and obedience. History provides an account of secular and religious orders of nursing shaping a view of virtuous and tireless dedication in carrying out the doctor’s orders. Nurse Practitioners were first introduced to the health care system in the 1960s as a solution to the medical shortage being experienced in United States of America at that time. They assumed clinical tasks, traditionally regarded as doctor’s work. Since then the Nurse Practitioner movement has expanded globally. Australia introduced the Nurse Practitioner role in 1998, heralding a new era in the health system of that country. Its introduction has created diverging views which are influence role implementation. This study examines social and political discourses that are affecting the development of Nurse Practitioners in Australia, using text and language to identify discursive practices. It has set out to determine whether Nurse Practitioners have the autonomy that professional nursing leaders have described in policy, or whether the introduction of the role has merely shifted nursing’s sphere of influence within a traditional health care system. Using Fairclough’s notion of power behind discourse, the language and discourses of Nurse Practitioners were explored in relation to what was happening around role development and how Nurse Practitioners positioned themselves within the environment where they worked. The use of a Critical Discourse Analysis has allowed for the various social, historical and political perspectives of nursing to be examined. Fairclough’s three levels of social organisation have been used to identify the divergent discourses between the truths of implementation of the role at individual and organisational level and comparing it to that of the rhetoric of health policy. The discourses surrounding the creation of this advanced nursing role have been the focus of analysis. This analysis has revealed how role development is controlled by powerful groups external to the nursing profession. The dominant discourses use the traditional health care divisions of labour to maintain control through a financially driven focus on health care which does not necessarily revolve around clinical need. Further complicating the position of Nurse Practitioners is the internalisation of those dominant discourses by the nurses themselves. It reinforces Fairclough’s view that the dominant power lies behind the discourse, using the system itself to maintain a status quo, rather than overtly opposing it. Nurse Practitioners, despite being held out by the nursing profession as clinical leaders, are not able to influence change in health care or in their own roles. The results have further shown that nursing managers do not have an influence over the direction that health care and nursing takes. Further research is necessary to examine the broader leadership role of nursing within health care nationally and internationally, in order to establish the real position of nursing within the decision making framework of health care service development.