Before political party politics was not formed in Taiwan, local factions completely took control of political resources and the directions of political situations. So political factions usually dominated political parties and were the mainstay power that dominated Taiwan politics. In Kaohsiung County, local factions are severely competitive, have their own political territories, and have grabbed political resources. So local political factions are the predominant influencing force in elections for political positions. This study used document method and field research method to explore the origins, development and operating models of local factions and how the local factions of political parties have strengthened or weakened in the wake of the rising to power of Democratic Progressive Party. The study has found out that the Black Faction has remained the largest one despite the shift of national ruling power, followed by the White Faction, the Red Faction, the Yellow Faction, and the Green Faction in order of strength. The votes that the Black, the White, the Red, the Yellow, and the Green faction can control are as follows: about 200,000 to 250,000, about 150,000 to 200,000, about 70,000 to 100,000, about 30,000 to 50,000, and about 30,000 to 40,000 respectively. On May 14, 2005, Taiwan people elected their mission-specified National Assembly representatives, and the turnouts of election verified the conclusions of this research. The Black Faction remained the largest on, grabbing 57.46% of the vote, leading the Red, the White Faction by a margin of 18.65%; the Red and the White Factions scored 38.81%. On June 7, 2005, the mission-specified National Assembly representatives ratified the Constitution Revision act passed in the Legislature. According to the Constitution Revision act, the number of legislators will be reduced by 50% from the 7th Legislature Assembly and their term will be extended to four years. At the same time, a system of one constituency, two votes will be instituted. This constitutional reform will definitely redefine the territories of local political factions. How Taiwan political situations will develop, the directions of political parties, and how local political factions will grow or recede deserve further observation. Key words¡GKaohsiung County¡Bpolitical party politics¡Blocal factions¡Bpolitical factions.

El estudio de la relación entre el individuo y el grupo tiene una larga historia en las ciencias sociales. Aún si el impulsor principal de las acciones de la gente es perseguir sus propios objetivos, los seres humanos también cohabitamos, colaboramos y cuidamos unos de otros. Para armonizar los objetivos personales con los intereses del grupo, creamos normas y reglas. Estas normas y reglas afectan nuestras preferencias, gustos y decisiones. Las personas también pueden tener una influencia más directa entre sí: por ejemplo imitamos, enseñamos y aprendemos unos de otros. En la investigación del comportamiento político -- donde las decisiones pueden tener un efecto en el entorno social de quien toma las decisiones -- estas normas, reglas e influencias personales reciben cada vez más atención. Este nuevo enfoque no se centra solo en las características individuales, sino también en la relación y las interacciones de estos individuos. Para manejar la variedad casi infinita de las relaciones e interacciones, los investigadores necesitan agruparlas en estructuras sociales. En mi tesis doctoral, estudio el papel de dos estructuras sociales en la política. La primera estructura es la red social. La red social es la colección de todos los enlaces sociales bilaterales en un grupo. La segunda estructura que estudio en mi tesis es la facción política. Las facciones son grupos jerárquicos de políticos que trabajan juntos para obtener poder político. Mi tesis está dividida en tres capítulos principales. El primer capítulo es un trabajo empírico que mide la importancia de la posición (en la red social) de los políticos en su carrera pública. El segundo capítulo introduce en primer lugar un modelo nuevo de colaboración dentro de las facciones políticas, y luego contrasta empíricamente algunas de las principales predicciones del modelo. El tercer capítulo modela cómo se expanden las influencias en una red social y introduce una manera simple de encontrar el actor clave de una red política en una clase especifico de redes. El Capítulo 1 incluye mi trabajo de investigación titulado “Marrying the Right One -- Evidence on Social Network Effects in Politics from the Venetian Republic”. En este capítulo mido el efecto de las redes sociales en el desarrollo de la carrera de los políticos. Con este fin, construyo una base de datos que contiene información sobre la red social de todo el electorado de una nación soberana, la República de Venecia del siglo XV. También identifico las carreras de 2.500 políticos casados del período entre 1400 y 1524. Analizando este panel de datos, encuentro evidencia empírica de que casarse con la hija de un padre más central en la red mejora significativamente las perspectivas de carrera futura en la política del marido. Además, demuestro que este efecto es independiente de otras características de cualquiera de las dos familias, como el prestigio histórico, la riqueza o el poder de voto (tamaño de la familia), y no está sesgado por matrimonios selectivos. Además, encuentro que el efecto de la red es acumulativo (se disfrutan las ventajas de un buen matrimonio durante un período prolongado) y que el efecto es más fuerte durante periodos políticamente o económicamente difíciles (como en una guerra defensiva). El Capítulo 2 está basado en mi trabajo de investigación titulado “Politics Behind the Curtain -- A Model of Endogenous Factional Competition and Evidence from the Venetian Republic”. Este capítulo presenta un nuevo modelo de competición política entre facciones donde el poder político de una facción es endógeno. En el modelo, todos los políticos son miembros de una facción y la competencia (por una promoción) ocurre en dos etapas. Primero, los políticos compiten por el apoyo de su facción. Segundo, las facciones compiten para ganar la promoción para sus candidatos. El éxito del concurso en la segunda etapa es endógeno: depende del número y la posición de todos los afiliados de la facción. La primera contribución de este trabajo de investigación es que describe las fuerzas que facilitan la colaboración de los políticos y la aparición de facciones. El segundo es que revela la naturaleza ambivalente de la competencia política en sistemas dominados por facciones políticos: las facciones más grandes son más fuertes, pero sus miembros también se enfrentan a una competencia más fuerte dentro de las facciones. Usando datos de la República de Venecia, estimo los coeficientes del modelo teórico. La estimación separa los dos canales de efectos del tamaño (de la facción): el canal de competencia interna y el canal de poder de facción. Finalmente, capítulo 3 sigue el trabajo de investigación titulado “Influences and Elections in a Political Network”. En este capítulo, desarrollo un modelo nuevo de lobbying y votación en una red social. Los jugadores en la red son votantes y candidatos potenciales al mismo tiempo. Los votantes prefieren al candidato al que puedan influir más, y el poder de presión está determinado por la posición relativa del votante y el candidato en la red social. En este modelo, las preferencias muestran algunas regularidades que son suficientes para demostrar que hay uno (o dos vecinos) candidato(s) de Condorcet en cualquier red en árbol, y que el(los) tiene(n) la mayor centralidad de proximidad en la red. Además, las preferencias tienen un solo pico en las redes en árbol, por lo que en una red en cadena (o línea) el teorema del votante mediano es aplicable. Muestro que la centralidad de proximidad supera a otras medidas de centralidad frecuentemente utilizadas (centralidad de vector propio, centralidad de intermediación) en ciertas redes. Finalmente, comparo mi modelo principal con el modelo de Cruz et al. 2017 donde los votantes tienen sesgos ideológicos: el modelo de Cruz et al. 2017 proporciona resultados más generales, pero mi modelo se basa en supuestos mejor alineados con las evidencias empíricas.

This thesis is an ethnography of Palestinian political factions in Lebanon through an immersion in the daily life of homes. It explores the nature of factions and faction membership from the vantage point of those who form their very basis. It asks how did Palestinian political factions, which are clearly made of people, come to be seen as autonomous bodies that are studied as a whole and spoken of in the singular (‘Fatah did this’ and ‘Hamas declared that’). Through a detailed account of the everyday practices of Palestinian refugees I problematise the underlying conceptualization of factions in the academic literature as bounded structures defined by their respective ideologies. I explore how factions appear in the daily life of Palestinian refugees in Lebanon; how Palestinians join factions; how their relationship evolves over time; how they demand, and at times obtain, aid; how and whether they participate in events organized by factions; and how factionalism affects their understandings of what factions are. This ethnographic approach reveals that what binds Palestinian refugees to factions is not the ideology or regional or international alliances of the factions. For example, young Palestinians do not join a faction based on whether it is Islamic, Marxist, or nationalist; rather they do so based on where they have friends or family, and sometimes depending on which faction has the closest youth centre to their home. In fact, it is those personal relationships, including those developed with other faction members that keep Palestinians affiliated to factions. Factions appear as a loose network of people held together by different degrees of trust and cohesion. Yet my work does not dismiss the fact that factions also appear as structures, as coherent entities. On the contrary, in the second part of this thesis, I trace another set of practices, that of aid distribution, criticism, physical representation, and factionalism, to show how factions metamorphose from loose networks based on interpersonal relations into impersonal structures defined by ideology. An examination of the everyday practices and representations of Palestinian political factions reveals how those structures come into being, how that operation creates and maintains a certain configuration of power in Palestinian society, and how factions remain the center of political life in the face of widespread condemnation.

In August, 2004, the Legislative Yuan in Taiwan passed landmark constitutional amendment proposals to cut the number of legislative seats in half, and adopt a "single-district, two-vote" system. In May, 2005, the parliamentary electorate system in Taiwan was officially changed from a single-nontransferable voting system (SNTV) to a single-member district parallel voting system. The new voting system was introduced in January, 2008. Under SNTV, the seats won in Kaohsiung County¡¥s legislator election were in proportion to the two political parties. However, the result of the first election after the electorate system changed showed a landslide victory of the KMT (Kuomingtang). The DPP (Democratic Progressive Party) should not have suffered such defeat in the election with the strength and power that their political factions have in Kaohsiung County. Many factors are for certain involved in winning or losing an election, and the focus of this thesis will be on the changes of political factions and how they can influent vote results. Under SNTV, the most influential and powerful political factions in Kaohsiung County were the Red Party, the White Party, and the Black Party. Under the new electoral system, however, as only one candidate will be elected, the political factions, as well as the candidates, have started changing their ways of thinking in terms of whom they should support. The candidates have been paying much more attention to the local political factions. Taking their own interests into consideration, the local political factions have also changed the way they intend to manipulate the vote results. The awakening of the local political factions indirectly made impacts on the result of the Seventh legislator election. In the future, the results of various elections may very well be influenced by the changes of the local political factions. To gain a clearer view of the changes of Kaohsiung County¡¥s political factions under the new voting system, the thesis will first describe the similarities and differences between SNTV and single-member district parallel voting system. It will then discuss the formation and development of Taiwan and Kaohsiung County¡¥s local political factions. The different electoral tactics of the KMT and the DPP under the two voting systems will then be analyzed, following by the examination of the voting results.

The objective of this thesis is to analyze the Khatami Period of 1997-2005 in the Islamic Republic of Iran. The Reform Movement that brought Khatami to the presidency and the grounds of the incongruity between the discourse and the outcomes of the movement is examined. The reasons of this incongruity are the focus of this study. The structure of the thesis is as follows: In the first chapter, a brief summary of the history of democracy in Iran is examined, since in Iran without a historical perspective, it is hard to understand the developments of the era. In the second chapter, the state structure and political factions in the Islamic Republic of Iran are described by emphasizing the power centers and struggle between them. The third chapter explains, the social origins and the discourse of the reform movement. Lastly, in the fourth chapter, the Khatami period of 1997-2005 is analyzed. The period is studied in terms of power conflicts among the ruling elites and its reflection on the everyday life of the layman. Economic developments and street politics of the era are also examined in this chapter. International developments of the era are also studied with respect to their impacts on domestic politics.

Submitted by Silvana Teresinha Dornelles Studzinski (sstudzinski) on 2016-02-19T14:00:43Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Miguel Ângelo Silva da Costa_.pdf: 19696721 bytes, checksum: 0e2cbc95d5e6611a1ff74954fe5abc14 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-02-19T14:00:43Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Miguel Ângelo Silva da Costa_.pdf: 19696721 bytes, checksum: 0e2cbc95d5e6611a1ff74954fe5abc14 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-12-12 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Essa investigação procurou explorar a dinâmica política de rearticulação social vivenciada por setores da elite sul-rio-grandense, entre o fim da guerra civil Farroupilha (1845) e a ofensiva brasileira contra o Paraguai (1864-1870). Em especifico, procura examinar suas estratégias políticas de coalizão, de disputa e de afirmação social, tecidas e desenvolvidas no centro e nas margens de redes de dependências recíprocas sobre as quais convergiam interesses de indivíduos, famílias, facções e do próprio governo central. Para isso, seguiu a trilha e as tramas de uma guerra particular protagonizada por dois cunhados que, ao longo de praticamente duas décadas, disputaram o status de chefes políticos de Rio Pardo, uma das mais antigas e tradicionais comunidades da Província de São Pedro do Rio Grande do Sul. / This research sought to explore the political dynamics of social reorganization experienced by sections of the elite South Rio Grande, between the end of the civil war Farroupilha (1845) and brazilian offensive against Paraguay (1864-1870). In specific, examines their political strategies coalition of dispute and social statement, woven and developed in the center and edges of networks of mutual dependence, which converged on the interests of individuals, families, factions and the central government itself. To do so, followed the trail and the plots of a particular war carried out by two brothers-who, over nearly two decades, the status of disputed political leaders of Rio Pardo , one of the oldest and traditional communities of the Província de São Pedro do Rio Grande do Sul.

The Electoral College and Jacksonian Democracy are two subjects that have been studied extensively. Taken together, however, little has been written on how the method of choosing presidential electors during the Age of Jackson changed. Although many historians have written on the development of political parties and the increase in voter participation during this time, none have focused on how politicians sought to use the method of selecting electors to further party development in the country. Between 1824 and 1832 twelve states changed their methods of choosing electors. In almost every case, the reason for changing methods was largely political but was promoted in terms of advancing democracy. A careful study of the movement toward selecting electors on a general ticket shows that political considerations in terms of party and/or state power were much more important than promoting democratic ideals. Despite the presence of a few true reformers who consistently pushed for a constitutional amendment guaranteeing that all states used the same method, the conclusion must be that politics and party demanded a change. This study relies heavily on legislative records at both the state and national level and newspapers throughout t the country from the period. Beginning with a brief history of the office of the president and an overview of the presidential elections prior to 1824, the author then carefully analyzes the elections of 1824, 1828, and 1832, as well as the various efforts to amend the constitutional provisions dealing with the Electoral College. Particular emphasis is placed on political factions at the state level, the development of the Democratic and National Republican parties nationally, and how each party used and at time manipulated the electoral process to secure a favorable outcome for their candidates.

自2002年秘密運作的核能設施曝光後，伊朗的核能政策一直是國際爭點且令人費解。若要討論伊朗核能政策是如何產出及其未來的走勢，本文認為伊朗本身的動機才是決定核能政策的關鍵。 本文以「個人－國內政治－國際政治」三層次作為分析架構，首先討論核能政策的發展歷程及其對伊朗的意義；其次分析伊朗最高宗教領袖Khamenei及伊朗政治派系如何影響核能政策；最後聚焦於2009年綠色運動後至2015年JCPOA簽訂這段期間，伊朗最高宗教領袖Khamenei與核能政策演變的關係。 本文發現伊朗的政治菁英對核能政策有高度共識，認為發展核能政策代表著實踐伊朗的大國意識與民族尊嚴、經濟與能源多元化的自主發展以及安全上的保障。另外，從政治派系角度出發，核能政策也被視為派系鬥爭中的槓桿，是政治菁英獲得權力的工具。同時，基於伊朗特殊的政治體制－－教法學家體系，最高宗教領袖Khamenei為伊朗權力體系中的第一人，其態度與政治取向決定了核能政策的走向。而在最高宗教領袖Khamenei決定核能政策的走向時，其必須將國內外政經局勢納入考量，並時時權衡當前的局勢是否會影響其作為最高宗教領袖的合法性。本文認為，若能繼續對最高宗教領袖Khamenei加以觀察，並分析其與國內政治派系的互動，將有助於未來對伊朗核能政策的了解並對伊朗政治帶來更全面的研究。