本文以一九八六年∼兩千零四年，民進黨立委選舉為例，分別以派系、選區為單位建構三個多元迴歸模型，針對本文所提出的十三個研究假說加以驗證。主要探討﹙一﹚民進黨內各派系於黨中央、地方黨部重要黨職，以及縣市首長的競爭，對於派系在區域立委選舉表現的影響﹙二﹚民進黨內派系在黨中央的權力競爭，對於民進黨區域立委選舉表現的影響。 透過多元迴歸模型本文證實民進黨內的派系，在黨中央的黨主席、中常委，以及地方黨部的黨部主委等重要黨職之爭，對於各派系的生存與發展有重要影響的區域立委選舉，主要的影響是在黨內的提名競爭上，而能夠影響進一步佔有多少比例的區域立委席次，則是地方縣市首長的職位，且地方縣市首長在黨內提名競爭階段也有顯著的影響力。 除此之外，多派系於民進黨中央呈現共治的情況，雖然權力集中程度降低，但卻為民進黨帶來較好的選舉表現。派系長期處於既競爭又合作的共治環境下，除了表面上因為競爭而呈現出各種紛爭之外。派系也會成為政黨內，匯集各種不同利益，扮演相互折衝協調，進而達成理性集體行動的重要關鍵性機制。

In August, 2004, the Legislative Yuan in Taiwan passed landmark constitutional amendment proposals to cut the number of legislative seats in half, and adopt a "single-district, two-vote" system. In May, 2005, the parliamentary electorate system in Taiwan was officially changed from a single-nontransferable voting system (SNTV) to a single-member district parallel voting system. The new voting system was introduced in January, 2008. Under SNTV, the seats won in Kaohsiung County¡¥s legislator election were in proportion to the two political parties. However, the result of the first election after the electorate system changed showed a landslide victory of the KMT (Kuomingtang). The DPP (Democratic Progressive Party) should not have suffered such defeat in the election with the strength and power that their political factions have in Kaohsiung County. Many factors are for certain involved in winning or losing an election, and the focus of this thesis will be on the changes of political factions and how they can influent vote results. Under SNTV, the most influential and powerful political factions in Kaohsiung County were the Red Party, the White Party, and the Black Party. Under the new electoral system, however, as only one candidate will be elected, the political factions, as well as the candidates, have started changing their ways of thinking in terms of whom they should support. The candidates have been paying much more attention to the local political factions. Taking their own interests into consideration, the local political factions have also changed the way they intend to manipulate the vote results. The awakening of the local political factions indirectly made impacts on the result of the Seventh legislator election. In the future, the results of various elections may very well be influenced by the changes of the local political factions. To gain a clearer view of the changes of Kaohsiung County¡¥s political factions under the new voting system, the thesis will first describe the similarities and differences between SNTV and single-member district parallel voting system. It will then discuss the formation and development of Taiwan and Kaohsiung County¡¥s local political factions. The different electoral tactics of the KMT and the DPP under the two voting systems will then be analyzed, following by the examination of the voting results.

This paper is aimed at exploring the theory and process about electoral marketing of political partys, candidates in multimember distric and SNTV system in Taiwan. First, we discuss the features under multimember distric and SNTV system in Taiwan and also try to analyze the theory for electoral marketing which consists of theories about marketing, political commmunication and electoral strategies to offer a basic theory for electoral marketing of political partys and candidates in this paper. In addition, we also construct a research framework for electoral marketing of political partys, candidates in multimember distric and SNTV system in Taiwan by exploring the features under multimember distric and SNTV system in Taiwan and the theory for electoral marketing in this paper. .Second, we also use the observational method, the interview method and the research framework for electoral marketing of political partys, candidates in multimember distric and SNTV system in Taiwan to analyze the electoral marketing of the TSU party and its candidate in the north district in Kaohsiung city for the 2004 legislator election in this paper. Finally, the candidate in this case successes to get the seat for the 2004 legislator election, and the winning key is his electoral marketing. The strategies for his electoral marketing in the first period and the second period are emphasized his personality, profession and the TSU party. The strategies for his electoral marketing in the third period and the final period are emphasized the coordination with the DPP and allocation of votes. By analyzing the theory and the case, we can find a basic framework for electoral marketing of political partys, candidates in multimember distric and SNTV system in Taiwan and it could be possible to win a seat by working with political partys and making a theme for electoral marketing to emphasize the personality and profession of candidates, or to operate ¡§allocation of votes¡¨, including the coordination among political partys and candidates. To sum up, the electoral marketing of political partys, candidates in multimember distric and SNTV system is a process, including political partys, candidates, professinal work-teams, strategies and campaigns for electoral marketing, and voters. It also can show a process for political communication in which political partys, candidates and work-teams may use strategies and campaigns for electoral marketing to address political information to voters and correct strategies and campaigns for electoral marketing from voter¡¦s feedback. In this way, political partys, candidates can give voters what they want and success to win a seat. At the same time, we also can offer new ideas for researching the behavior of political partys and candidates, the campaigns of political elite in Kaohsiung city and developing the research for elections in Taiwan in this paper.

The single non-transferable vote (SNTV) system was mainly used for Taiwan¡¦s electoral system after several reforms. However, most democratic countries already don¡¦t adopt any more the SNTV system which is not appropriate. In order to combat the abuses in electoral system and implement democracy, the single-member district and two-vote system is definitely needed. By using this system, the voters can elect the capable People¡¦s Representatives and the parliamentary quality and efficiency will be enhanced. Taiwan started to use this single-member district and two-vote system from the 7th Legislative Yuan Election. In this study, we¡¦ll observe how the legislative seats of the Kuomintang (KMT) Party have been changed in Ping-tung County. The electoral reform usually affects the results. Therefore, the KMT Party desired to extend their territory by this reform and used different strategies for the three political districts respectively: non-nomination, negotiation and recruitment. In Ping-tung County, the KMT Party¡¦s territory has been always inferior to Democratic Progressive Party (DPP)¡¦s. In the past, the KMT Party was just one third of the seats of the DPP in the Legislative Yuan Election. Consequently, the KMT Party expected to break through the awkward situation after the 7th Legislative Yuan Election. Nevertheless, the KMT didn¡¦t succeed. Thus it is evident that if the KMT Party longs for victory, they will not only rely on the reform of electoral system, but also need to improve themselves in many perspectives.

我國立法委員選舉自1992年全面定期改選以來，一直是採用以「複數選區單記非讓渡投票制」為主的特殊選舉制度，直到2005年第七次修憲始變革為「並立式混合制」，並已於2008年1月12日第七屆立委選舉中首度實施。 由於台灣與日本均位居東亞關鍵位置，並同為該區民主發展之典範，類似的政經發展脈絡，於是經常成為學界探討比較的對象。除了近似的經濟發展模式外，於政治層面上，兩國亦皆由「一黨獨大」的政體開始演變。尤其，兩國更先後於1994年及2005年修改國會選舉制度，且不約而同從「複數選區單記非讓渡投票制」改採「並立式混合制」。 任一國家選舉制度之變革，往往都會對其政黨體系、甚至政治運作造成相當程度之影響。因此本研究將針對此次選舉所採取的新選制，從理論、制度及實際各層面，參照日本選制改革與施行之經驗，進行新選制對我國政黨體系影響之初探。 / The overall election of legislator in our country has been reelected regularly since 1992, and it has been adopting primarily the “Single Non-Transferable Vote with Multimember-District system” (SNTV-MMD), a special electoral system. Until the seventh amending of the Constitution transformed into the “Mixed-Member Majoritarian” (MMM) in 2005, which has implemented in the seventh session of legislators’ election for the first time in January 12, 2008. Owing to both of the positions of Taiwan and Japan are very important in the East Asia, and also are the models of the development of democracy in the area. They have similar political and economic developing situation, so they are usually compared to each other by the academic community. Besides the similar economic development pattern, in the political side, both of the two countries began to evoluting from “predominant-party system”. Above all, the two countries reformed the electoral system of congress in 1994 and in 2005. They also adopted the “MMM” instead of the “SNTV-MMD” coincidentally. Changes of the electoral system in any country will impact on party system even political arrangement in a considerable degree. Therefore, I’ll focus on the new system of this election from the different sides of theory, institution, and reality in this research. According to the reformation of the electoral system of Japan and the practical experiences, doing a preliminary study of how the impact of the new electoral system on Taiwan’s party system.

選舉制度的設計與評估，主要有兩方面的考量，一是可治理性；二是分配的比例性。以台灣的情況為例，新選制的選舉結果，理論上政府的運作將趨向穩定；相較之下，在制度替換的過程中，改革者通常只看見舊制度的缺失，舊制度本身所具有的優點－比例性，在改革過程中往往被忽視。本文的研究目的即是重拾對比例性的視野，透過Loosemore-Hanby D指數測量選制改革前後的比例性偏差程度，檢視1992至2008年間比例性偏差數值的變化，並從五個面向－選區規模、席次分配、法定門檻、席次總數、選票結構－解釋比例性偏差發生的原因，發現所有的選制設計皆不利於比例性，導致新選制的比例性偏差與舊制度產生極大的落差。 此外，透過比較其他可能的比例性狀況可以發現，無論是聯立制的模擬或是票源模擬的結果，皆顯示有助於提升小黨的代表性；另一方面，同樣採用並立制的日本，四次的選舉經驗可以做為我國參考的對象，但是由於選舉制度的各項要素不盡相同，也使得兩國選舉結果的比例性和小黨代表性呈現差異性。 最後，混合制固然同時融合了相對多數決制和比例代表制的特性，但是由於制度上選制要素以及非制度上國情與社會狀況的不同，很難期待一個完美的選舉制度出現，因此，我們只能尋求一個理想的選舉制度，且善用混合制所具有的彈性，做出適度的調整。 / Upon the evaluation of an electoral system, the main concerns are the governability and proportionality. In Taiwan’s case, the electoral system of Legislative Yuan altered from SNTV to mixed-member system; however, the reformers invariably accentuated the stability of governance but ignored the semi-proportionality of SNTV. Hence, the result of election in 2008 got unbalance between governability and proportionality. This article tends to measure the degree of disproportionality by Loosemore-Hanby index from 1992 to 2008 and tries to explain how disproportionality occurred from five dimensions－district magnitude, levels of seat allocation, threshold, number of total seats, and ballot structure. In addition, the results could be quite different when it compared with of other situations. According to this paper, the representation of small parties and the degree of proportionality will be enhanced while adopting MMP and redistributing the votes. Moreover, this paper is going to make a comparative study with Japan which have adopted MMM and have experienced four times elections since 1996. Finally, although mixed systems combine some features of both plurality and PR, there is still no perfect electoral system in the world. However, by making good use of flexibility of mixed systems, we might have an “ideal” system which can be regularly updated to suit changing needs and political conditions.

過去由於我國立法委員選舉所採用的「複數選區單記非讓渡投票制」，常造成選風敗壞、偏激取向、派系政治等諸多負面影響。有鑑於此，立法院於2004年8月23日通過「席次減半」及「單一選區兩票制」的修憲案，並於2005年6月7日經國民大會複決通過，自第七屆開始，立法委員任期改為4年，席次減半為113人。2008年1月12日第七屆立法委員選舉首次實施「單一選區兩票制」，而本文將檢視此次立委選舉結果相關資料，探討選制改變後對我國政黨體系之影響，並從過去的理論評析與實際運作層面相互驗證，探討理論與實務之間異同，及其可能之影響因素，然而，由於僅是一次實施的結果，因此相關後續發展仍須持續觀察。 / In the past, our national elections of members of Legislative Yuan adopted “multi-member-district, single non-transferable vote.” It usually caused negative influences such as deterioration of election, extreme trends, and faction politics. Therefore, Legislative Yuan passed constitution-amending bills “seats reduction in half” and “single-district two votes system” on August 23rd, 2004. These bills were passed by National Assembly on June 7th, 2005. The term of service for the seventh legislators was prolonged into four years and the seats were reduced in half to 113 seats. The seventh legislator election adopted “single-district two votes system” for the first time on January 12th, 2008. The essay will survey information related to the outcome of the legislator election, discussing the influence of changing election systems on the systems of political parties. Through the mutual demonstration between past theory criticism and practical operation, it discusses common and different points between theories and practices and finds out possible influential elements. However, it is just the outcome of single practice so it’s following development requires constant observations.