Orientador: Eda Maria Góes / Banca: Raul Borges Guimarães / Banca: Silvio Simione da Silva / Resumo: O presente trabalho realiza um estudo sobre a formação territorial do Brasil e do Acre, como ponto de partida para se refletir sobre uma nova configuração das terras acreanas. O processo de emancipação de Vila Campinas, localizada no município de Plácido de Castro, Estado do Acre, é o recorte empírico utilizado para análise. O contexto de lutas pela criação de Estados, Territórios e Municípios é ressaltado para se fazer a conexão do local com o global. A Geografia Política dará o embasamento teórico para se analisarem os processos de construção e reconstrução de novos territórios. Na localidade estudada enfatizar-se-ão os seguintes aspectos para entender a sua formação: as migrações para o Estado nas décadas de 1970/19880, a implantação dos projetos de assentamentos como política de reforma agrária para a região amazônica e a articulação da Comissão Pró-Emancipação, que dará base para se aglutinar os olhares divergentes sobre a temática. / Abstract: The present work realize a study about the territorial formation of Brasil and of Acre, as staring point for us to think about a new configuration of the lands from Acre. The process of emancipation of Vila Campinas, located Plácido de Castro - Acre, is the impiric cutting used for analysis. The context of fights for the creation of States, Territories and Municipal districts is stood out for us to make the connection of the place with the global. The Political geography will give the theoretical basement to analyze the construction processes and reconstruction of new territories. In the planned place we will emphasize the following aspects to understand its formation: the migration for the State in 70s/80s, the implantation of the projects of establishment s like land reform politics for the Amazonian area and Comissão Pró- Emancipação, thtat will give base to agglutinate the divergent watch on the theme. / Mestre

As mudanças climáticas são uma das fronteiras planetárias que garantem o funcionamento seguro do sistema terrestre. O atual modelo de desenvolvimento, baseado principalmente no alto padrão de consumo, é incompatível com a manutenção das fronteiras planetárias. Uma dessas fronteiras, a das mudanças climáticas, já foi ultrapassada e é uma das dimensões da crise civilizacional que vivemos nos tempos atuais, crise esta que caracteriza a transição para uma zona de risco de colapso ambiental sistêmico. Ao mesmo tempo em que o conhecimento científico deste complexo problema evolui rapidamente e as consequências se agravam, essas ameaças não são percebidas como reais e imediatas pela população em geral, o que inibe a ação necessária, a de uma revisão das bases do nosso modo de vida. Em última instância, são os Estados que adotam medidas para regular a ação humana e proteger o sistema terrestre. Tais ações vêm sendo negociadas no nível internacional há mais de vinte anos, em um processo multilateral sob os auspícios das Nações Unidas. O problema é que este processo está caracterizado por um impasse que tem como protagonistas os maiores emissores de gases de efeito estufa e as maiores economias mundiais, Estados Unidos e China. Desde o início do século XXI notam-se duas alterações que foram definitivas para desenhar o escopo deste trabalho e que são a sua grande contribuição: uma mudança na distribuição territorial das emissões de GEE e uma mudança na distribuição de poder no sistema internacional, que giram em torno das duas grandes potências mundiais. Essas duas bases, uma geográfica e outra política, nos permitem analisar a formação da nova geografia política das mudanças climáticas, a partir de um diálogo entre as referências teóricas da Geografia Política e das Relações Internacionais. A nova geografia política das mudanças climáticas está sendo definida pelas posições assumidas por EUA e China neste processo multilateral que caracteriza a ordem ambiental internacional das mudanças climáticas. Dessa forma, este trabalho analisa as posições dos dois países no período de 2005 a 2012, de forma a identificar os interesses defendidos por eles que estão refletidos nos documentos finais das rodadas internacionais de negociações da Convenção do Clima. Ainda em construção, esta nova geografia política será conformada pelo possível novo acordo climático a ser adotado até 2020, que está condicionado pela aparente oposição entre os interesses defendidos por EUA e China e que dificilmente terá os resultados esperados. Essa oposição tem gerado uma cooperação conveniente para os dois países, que exercem as suas soberanias e salvaguardam a defesa dos seus interesses nacionais na ordem ambiental internacional das mudanças climáticas, postura que resulta na paralisia das negociações. Este estudo espera contribuir para o entendimento desta situação, que adia perigosamente as decisões urgentes para tratar de um problema que traz uma complexidade que agrava e é agravada pelas dificuldades desse processo multilateral. / Climate change is one of the planetary boundaries that guarantee the safe operation of the earth system. The current development model, based mainly on the high consumption standards, is incompatible with the conservation of the planetary boundaries. The climate change boundary has already been surpassed and it is one of the dimensions of the civilizational crisis that we live in modern times. This crisis characterizes the transition to a risk of systemic environmental collapse zone. At the same time that the scientific knowledge about this complex problem rapidly evolves, these threats are not realized as reals and immediate by the overall population, which inhibit the necessary revision of our way of living. Ultimately, states are responsible for the adoption of measures to regulate human action and protect the earth system. These actions have been negotiated at the international level for more than twenty years, in a multilateral process under the United Nations auspices. The question is that this process is characterized by a deadlock that has the United States and China as its protagonists, being the biggest greenhouse gases emitters and the major economies worldwide. Since the beginning of the 21st century, two changes were decisive to draw the scope of this research, which are its main contribution: a change in the territorial distribution of GHG emissions and a change in the distribution of power in the international system. Both of them revolve around these two great world powers. The geographical and political basis allow us to analyze the formation of the new political geography of climate change, from a dialogue between theoretical references of Political Geography and International Relations. The new political geography of climate change is being defined by the positions assumed by the US and China in this multilateral process, which characterizes the climate change international environmental order. Thereby, this work analyzes the positions of these two countries in the period 2005-2012 to identify their interests that are reflected in the final documents of the international negotiation rounds of the Climate Change Convention. This new political geography, still under construction, will be designed by the possible new climate agreement to be adopted by 2020. This agreement is conditioned by the apparent opposition between the interests defended by the US and China, and will hardly bring the expected results. Such opposition has generated a convenient cooperation for both countries, which exercise their sovereignty and safeguard the protection of their interests at the climate change international environmental order. This position results in the paralysis of the negotiations. This research aims at contributing to the understanding of this situation, which dangerously postpones the urgent decisions to deal with a problem that brings a complexity that worsens and is worsened by the difficulties of this multilateral process.

A Constituição Federal de 1988 inovou ao estabelecer que o Estado Brasileiro deve emitir os títulos de propriedade definitiva aos remanescentes das comunidades tradicionais quilombolas que estejam ocupando suas terras. Após quase três décadas de busca pela garantia desse direito fundamental, os resultados alcançados são insatisfatórios, haja vista que, até o fim de 2016, apenas 152 territórios foram titulados em benefício de 294 comunidades e cerca 15.910 famílias. Atualmente, apenas no INCRA, existem 1.692 processos administrativos iniciados e destes, cerca de 85% não contam sequer com o Relatório Técnico de Identificação e Delimitação (RTID) da área pleiteada concluído e publicado. O objetivo deste estudo é analisar o papel do Estado brasileiro na gestão dessas políticas, assim como avaliar a atuação dos órgãos executores dessas ações. Em estudo de caso, analisaremos as controvérsias institucionais ocasionadas pela sobreposição de interesses territoriais entre INCRA e IBAMA/ICMBio no processo de regularização do Território Quilombola de Cunani, localizada no município de Calçoene, no Estado do Amapá, que teve parte de seu território tradicional afetado pelo Parque Nacional do Cabo Orange - PNCO. Estabeleceu-se como fundamento metodológico a análise de processo e de impactos das ações enquanto política pública territorial de reparação/afirmação de diretos étnicos constitucionais, configurando-se, portanto, num tema relevante para a análise da geografia política das relações entre estado, sociedade e território. Dentre os resultados obtidos, destacamos os números que demonstram a baixa capacidade histórica do principal órgão responsável pelas ações (INCRA) em executar os recursos orçamentário-financeiros destinados à regularização das terras quilombolas, que foi de apenas 35,1% do que foi autorizado pelo Governo entre 2004 e 2015; a espacialização dos resultados alcançados pela política, que revelam uma disparidade regional das áreas tituladas e de famílias atendidas, concentrando esses índices nas regiões Norte, Nordeste e, mais recentemente, no Centro-Oeste; a análise que identifica uma instabilidade jurídico- institucional ocasionada pela Ação Direta de Inconstitucionalidade (ADI 3239) que contesta o Decreto Federal 4.887 de novembro de 2003; a constatação de que os interesses das comunidades tradicionais quilombolas nunca ocuparam um espaço prioritário na agenda dos sucessivos grupos políticos que se instalaram no Governo Federal e em sua base política de sustentação no Congresso Nacional. Conclui-se que a manutenção do Decreto 4.887 de novembro de 2003 sustentará a conveniente e estratégica decisão de quem governa de se amparar na instabilidade político- institucional representada pela ADI-3239 para não se contrapor aos interesses de grupos que estão em sua base social e político-partidária (com quem se governa). Nesse contexto, a garantia do direito ao território étnico das comunidades tradicionais quilombolas prosseguirá em ritmo insatisfatório e socialmente insustentável, alcançando apenas os processos administrativos cujas demandas não suscitam custos sociais ou políticos a quem governa, contrariando assim o dispositivo constitucional e os princípios da Administração Pública. / The Federal Constitution of Brazil (1988) established that the Brazilian State should grant definitive property titles to the remnants of the traditional quilombolas communities (maroons) of the lands occupied by them, an innovative proposition. However, the results achieved are unsatisfactory after nearly three decades of guarantee of this fundamental right, since only 152 territories were titled for the benefit of 294 communities and about 15,910 families by the end of 2016. There are currently 1,692 administrative processes initiated just in INCRA and of these approximately 85% do not even have the Relatório Técnico de Identificação e Delimitação (RTID Technical Identification and Delimitation Report) of the requested area completed and published. The objective of this research was to analyze the Brazilian State role in the management of these policies, as well as to evaluate the performance of the executing agencies of these actions. In a case study, we analyze the institutional controversies caused by the overlapping of territorial interests between INCRA and IBAMA / ICMBio in the process of regularization of the Cunani Quilombola Territory, located in the Calçoene District, in the Amapá State (Brazil) which had part of its traditional territory affected by the Parque Nacional do Cabo Orange (PNCO Cape Orange National Park). Methodologically, the research was based on the process and impacts analysis of the actions as a territorial public policy for reparation/affirmation of ethnic constitutional rights, being therefore a relevant topic for the Political Geography analysis about relations between state, society and territory. Among the results obtained, we underline: the numbers that demonstrate the low historical capacity of the main agency responsible for actions (INCRA) to execute the financial resources destined to regularize the quilombola lands (only 35.1% from the total authorized by the Government between 2004 and 2015); the spatial dynamics of the results achieved by the policy, revealing a regional disparity between the titled areas and the families served, concentrating these indices in the North, Northeast and more recently in the Center-West of Brazil; the identification of legal and institutional instability caused by the Ação Direta de Inconstitucionalidade 3239 (Direct Unconstitutionality Action - ADI 3239) which disproves the Federal Decree 4887 (November 2003); the understanding that the interests of the traditional quilombola communities never occupied a priority topic in the successive political groups agenda settled in the Federal Government and in its political base of support in the National Congress. We conclude that the Decree 4887/2003 maintenance will support the convenient and strategic decision from \"who governs\" to rely on the political-institutional instability represented by ADI-3239 in order not to oppose the interests of groups that are in their social base and Political party (with which the government is made). In this context, the right guarantee to ethnic territory in traditional quilombola communities will continue to develop unsatisfactorily and socially unsustainable reaching only the administrative processes whose demands do not demand social or political costs to \"who rules\", thus contradicting the constitutional provision and principles of Public administration.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2016-09-19T18:16:48Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Claudio Roberto Ribeiro Martins.pdf: 1717894 bytes, checksum: 5b58c8625abcee08ad43390e685ce5cf (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-19T18:16:48Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Claudio Roberto Ribeiro Martins.pdf: 1717894 bytes, checksum: 5b58c8625abcee08ad43390e685ce5cf (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-04-15 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This work aims to contribute to discussions about the present and the diversity of geopolitical approaches. We intend to identify and analyze the importance of geopolitics to the Geographic Science in the context of political and social changes occurring in the twenty-first century with the specific focus on Latin America. Through the theoretical study we will discuss the conceptual changes and the main references for the construction of Geopolitics and Political Geography for the geographical science. From there, we will discuss the contribution of concepts such as territory and politics within the geography and the validity of new social actors in building the Critical Geopolitics. The theoretical basis helped to read and understanding of geopolitics in Latin America, its territorial and political issues and its representation in the textbook of geography high school of the state of São Paulo / Buscando contribuir com as discussões a respeito da atualidade e a diversidade das abordagens sobre a Geografia Política, pretendemos identificar e analisar a importância da Geografia Política para a Ciência Geográfica no contexto das transformações políticas e sociais ocorridas no século XXI com o recorte específico sobre a América Latina. Por meio do estudo teórico discutiremos as transformações conceituais e as principais referências para a construção da Geopolítica e Geografia Política para a ciência geográfica. A partir dai, discutiremos a contribuição de conceitos como território e política dentro da geografia e a validade de novos agentes sociais na construção da Geopolítica Crítica. O embasamento teórico auxiliou a leitura e a compreensão da Geografia Política na América Latina, suas questões territoriais e políticas e sua representação no livro didático de geografia do ensino médio da rede estadual de São Paulo

A significant and challenging topic for contemporary geography is an understanding of how the social construction of space both reflects social forces and at the same time structures those forces. This thesis is a case study of how political and social attitudes, measured as an outcome of votes for different issues, reflect the social organization of space in Multnomah County, Oregon. It employs an arealstructural (ecological) approach. Using eleven different issues voted upon in the general elections of November, 1990, it analyzes relationships between ballot items and socioeconomic characteristics of the electorate for small geographic areas in the county. The 1990 election was selected to permit a minimum possible temporal gap in the comparative analysis data with returns from the 1990 census of population. Using a technique from the field of Geographic Information Systems (GIS), "block group" census divisions were "overlayed" with voting precinct boundaries. This permitted identification of clusters or proportions of block groups falling within each precinct. Factor analysis, correlation analysis, and cluster analysis were used to identify relationships among the measures themselves, to establish associations between the measures and socioeconomic data from the census, and to characterize spatial patterns of voting. The following conclusions emerge: (1) Factor analysis confirms that voting patterns for the eleven issues can be aggregated into two basic trends: "westside vs. eastside" and "inner city vs. periphery". (2) Cluster analysis shows that neighboring precincts have common voting patterns that create distinctive geographic regions. A new GIS method was developed to permit quantification of the geographic component of cluster analysis. (3) Correlation analysis of census and electoral data at the precinct level indicates high correlations of voting patterns with two socioeconomic dimensions: status (education, income, occupation) and position in the life cycle (age, marital status, family size). Such analysis was permitted by new GIS capabilities that allow the use of less aggregated block group data. ( 4) Cluster analysis of residuals shows a significant geographic patterning that suggests the existence of a "neighborhood effect" in Multnomah County, although confirmation requires further analysis.

The overall aim of this research project was to determine whether a technological spatial innovation, such as online spatial portal (OSP), would provide an effective mechanism to support better policy dialogue between the technical capacity and decision making spheres within and between local government, enabling improved policy development and application. This was addressed by using a qualitative, multi-methodological research methodology to examine both current theory and the practical experiences and opinions of local government professionals. The literature review focused on the emerging theory field of ‘policy dialogue’ - the local governance and the importance of spatial information (SI) and geographic information systems (GIS) for supporting decisions. The interview analysis of sample Greater Western Sydney (GWS) council professionals confirmed the complexity of local government policy. A significant issue that hindered policy development across the participating local governments was the occurrence of silo cultures within internal and external relationships between council officers. The second interview phase with GWS council professionals, followed by a demonstration of an OSP concept (GWSspatial), identified the applications, opportunities and challenges for the development and use of a technological spatial innovation. The key applications identified were- sharing and knowledge management of SI, immediate management of SI, immediate online access and integration of local/regional SI, and analysis opportunities to facilitate purposeful dialogue and informed decision making by council professionals within a region. Policy framework case studies were conducted at three scales: the Pitt Town development – at LGA level; Bushfire emergency management – at cross jurisdictional level; and the Sydney Metropolitan Strategy - at regional level. The catalysts, which trigger the need, acceptance and commitment of decision makers, thereby supporting the key applications of a technological spatial innovation include disaster response, critical environment management challenges and regional land use planning and management. / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

<p>In the context of democratisation in the early 1990s, the governments in Central and East Europe (CEE) had to decide how to deal with property that had been confiscated under state socialism. Nationalised housing and collectivised land were to a varying extent returned to former owners and their heirs by means of restitution, as well as being distributed to other citizens who were in possession of the users’ rights to such properties.</p><p>This thesis examines the spatial impacts, in terms of ownership patterns, of the way the redistribution of nationalised housing and collectivised land has been dealt with politically and at the local level in post-socialist Romania. It also locates the Romanian property reforms in relation to those of the rest of CEE. The impact of political directives on the property redistribution is analysed in relation to both structural influences, such as democratisation and antecedent property regimes, and implementation patterns in varied place-contexts. The thesis demonstrates that restitution was stifled due to disagreements between leftist and rightist political blocs, with the latter arguing for restitution whilst their opponents wrote the first restitution laws. A re-privatisation law allowed for the public sale of nationalised housing to tenants and thereby blocked the implementation of a restitution law, thus constituting a dilemma for constitutional democracy. In liberal place-contexts in West Romania, these obstacles to housing restitution were in part avoided. By contrast, land restitution was most widespread in the east, a stronghold of the left. This was because the legislation gives priority to restitution in areas of this kind, where smaller land-holdings dominated prior to 1945. The left-wing government pursued an electoral strategy of distributing small properties to a large number of citizens, and to current users in particular. This resulted in a fragmentation of historical property. </p>

Regions are the manifestation of ideology and power in the landscape. This study maintains that changes in the allocation and exercise of state power are reflected in Western Canada's regional geography at different time periods and that the ideology(ies) supporting this power is (are) actively advanced by the creation, maintenance, and continued existence of those regions. Traditional approaches to historical geography neglect this socio-political aspect of region. To that end, alternate, contemporary approaches are applied. Aspects of critical social theory will illuminate the roles of both ideology and power and their crucial place in forming the human-built environment. Different places in different time periods will be analysed. These include: the territories of the Canadian North-West 'circa' 1885; Alberta and Saskatchewan to provincehood, 1905; and the Inuvialuit Settlement Area, 1990.

The borders of the twenty-first century come in many forms and are performed by an increasing number of actors in a broad variety of places, both within and beyond the territories of nation-states. This thesis sets out a detailed political geography of how borders operate to reconcile the often conflicting demands of open markets and security. Focusing on Ghana, where there is a widespread fear that the inflow of Chinese versions of African prints will lead to the collapse of the local textile industry, the study explores where and when borders are enforced, who performs them and what kinds of borders are enacted in order to maintain and protect the Ghanaian nation and market without compromising the country’s status as a liberal economy. It combines interviews and documentary sources with analysis drawn from border, security and migration studies to explore three sets of spatial strategies that have defined the Ghanaian approach to the perceived threat of Chinese African prints. They are the institution of a single corridor for African print imports, the anti-counterfeiting raids carried out in Ghana’s marketplaces, and the promotion of garments made from locally produced textiles as office wear through the National Friday Wear and Everyday Wear programmes. These strategies stretch, disperse and embody the borders of the state or nation to control trade in ways that resolve the fears of both open flows and closed borders. This thesis thus seeks to show how a geographical analysis can clarify the specificities of how borders now work to control mobility. In doing so, it not only unsettles conventional assumptions about what borders are and where they are supposed to be located, but also the idea that borders primarily are used to constrain the mobility of certain people while facilitating economic flows. Furthermore, this thesis adds to the understanding of the variety of responses to the inflow of Chinese consumer products to the African continent.

Over the past twenty years, the geographical bases of state legislative parties have shifted substantially. In statehouses across the country, legislators from densely-populated districts with large racial minority populations have become a larger presence inside Democratic caucuses while legislators from exurban and sparsely-populated districts have become a larger presence inside Republican caucuses. These changes have had important consequences for roll-call voting and policy outcomes inside legislatures, as new coalitional configurations formed by the intersection of party and geography have replaced older ones. In this dissertation, I examine the causes and consequences of these changes in a new way, one that more closely approximates a legislator's relationship to her "geographical constituency" (to use Richard Fenno's famous term). Unlike traditional studies of the social origins of legislative conflict, which have focused on how the constituency bases of legislative parties can be distinguished by reference to a small set of district-level demographic variables examined independently of each other, my approach views district demographic variables as the empirical manifestations of a wide variety of distinct, if latent, geographical contexts. My efforts to model the geographical constituency are centered upon a technique called Latent Profile Analysis (LPA), which estimates a latent categorical variable (in this case, legislative district categories indicative of distinct socioeconomic contexts) that captures covariation among a set of observed continuous variables (in this case, district-level demographic and geographical variables). The LPA analysis, which incorporates over 3,500 districts from seventeen chambers in the 1990s and 2000s, yields a nine-fold district categorization scheme that serves as the basis for subsequent inquiries of the dissertation. These inquiries examine how demographic and electoral change have interacted to influence trends in partisan representation of the district categories, how party and district category come together to explain patterns of roll-call ideology among state legislators, and how social cleavages over public policy within state electorates are translated into particular voting alignments involving the district categories. The dissertation speaks to a large literature in political science on the constituency-legislator relationship, as well to current debates about geographical sorting, legislative polarization, and the role of policy content in shaping voting coalitions. / text