Taiwan¡¦s democratization which began during former president Lee Teng-Hui¡¦s ¡]§õµn½÷¡^administration¡]1988-2000¡^has to be multiple values and open society. The democracy trend has influence the identity of nations ¡Ðeven the signature, meaning and territory of R. O. C. ¡]The Republic of China¡^ etc. issues¡Ðand the legitimacy of the governments. This article believes that culture policies are the key point of these issues, which have created cleavage of identity of nations, which even despoil the consolidation of democracy ¡X that is a common agreement of an order political board of nations. I believe that to decalcify the direction and change of culture policies is necessary and benefit for Taiwan¡¦s democratization consolidation. Generally, There are three main dimensions of culture policy researches: one is about the growth of economics; another is about the management¡]release and control¡^ of information-communication; the other is about individual¡¦s consensus which heritage from the socializations and nation¡¦s cultures. If we were used the three main dimensions to analysis Taiwan¡¦s development process of culture policies, we could discover that form two former Chiang president periods¡]¨â½±®É¥N¡^ to former president Lee Teng-Hui¡¦s administration, they were concerning on the first and second dimensions. The main points of culture policies of this period, which are the promotion of political loyalty, distribution of the massage which satisfied the profits of the ruler ranker, and educated the youths to be an unable to judge what is a justice and fairness for a society or a nations. But, the post- Lee Teng-Hui¡¦s period, Lee claims ¡§One-Country-On-Each-Side-Of-The-Strait¡¨¡]¨â°ê½×¡^and ¡§New Taiwanese¡¨¡]·s¥xÆW¤H¡^that is the great cleavage point from the culture policies of two former Chiang president periods culture policies which are ¡§Chinese Culture Recovery Movement¡¨¡]¤¤µØ¤å¤Æ´_¿³¹B°Ê¡^and ¡§Pax China¡¨¡]¤j¤¤°ê·NÃÑ¡^. The culture policy of Chen Shui-bian ¡]³¯¤ô«ó¡^,who beats competitor of KMT which party empower for 50 years, concerns over the first and third dimension of culture policies researches and is continued Lee¡¦s ¡§New Taiwanese¡¨ formation.The culture policies of Chen¡¦s administration are more concern over what are economic benefits ¡]incomes¡^ from them.

This study focuses on the rhetorical and political conditions for answering the question 'what is kulturpolitik?'. The most common translation of kulturpolitik is 'cultural policy', but 'cultural politics' is an alternative - perhaps policies must al­ways involve broader notions of politics. Here, politics is understood as struggles and conflicts in community, struggles that take place between rules and practical cases, between law and freedom. It is argued that language is a key to an awareness of political conditions, although politics also might involve aesthetics and violence. According to Aristode and Ricoeur, language is something that occurs 'when somebody says something to somebody about something' - and, as added in the dissertation: 'for a certain purpose and in a certain manner'. The general conditions for saying what kulturpolitik is, can thus be studied with reference to the interplay between six aspects: author; utterance, audience, reference, purpose and manner These rhetorical aspects can be used differendy in different cases. Four particular cases are examined in the dissertation. These are chosen pardy because they allow a gen­eral overview of the connections between politics and the arts, or policy and cul­ture, mainly in Western Europe; and pardy because they allow a demonstration of the importance of rhetoric. The cases are: (1) a comparison between two major Government Bills to the Swedish Parliament, concerning the general formulation of state cultural policy; (2) an analysis of the meaning of goals in policy, with particular reference to the Council of Europe's evaluations of cultural policies in France, Sweden, Austria, the Netherlands, and Finland; (3) an overview of the political uses of the concept of culture in Germany between 1800 and 1932; (4) a study of the French state's effort to engage the arts in the service of the republic between 1789 and 1983. It is, furthermore, argued that a rhetorical 'manner' can be understood as a way of employing the faculty of judgement. Following Aristode and Kant, and es­pecially according to Arendt and Lyotard, it is shown that judgement is a pre- eminendy political faculty. It allows those who use language - authors as well as audiences — to reflect upon the conditions of agreement in the absence of precon­ceived rules, but with the help of aesthetical awareness and imagination. / Digitalisering@umu

Des origines de l'écologie politique à nos jours, beaucoup d'écologistes pensent qu'ils participent à la réalisation d'une transformation politique et sociale de leur univers social, ainsi que de l'univers scientifique, cela dépasse les limites d'un pays et d'un continent, mais cela recouvre aussi certaines particularités au niveau national. Nous nous proposons d'étudier les spécificités de l'écologie politique française en la mettant en relation avec l'écologie politique américaine, puis en insistant sur le rôle des acteurs radicaux pour redéfinir une écologie radicale moins consensuelle que l'écologie institutionnalisée. Au XXIe siècle, l'intensité du besoin social d'un courant politique et d'une science écologique s’accroît avec la multiplication des catastrophes humaines et naturelles et avec l'augmentation de leur visibilité dans les médias. L'écologie radicale se propose de répondre à ces nouveaux défis. Nous pouvons en dégager une spécificité de l'écologie politique française placée à la fois à proximité des acteurs politiques conventionnels acceptant les règles du jeu existant et à la fois à la lisière, ainsi qu'à l'écoute, des marges politiques. / From the origins of the political ecology to now days, many ecologists think they are involved in the process of political and social transformation of their social and scientific universes. But it exceeds national borders and also continental limits. We will study the specificity of the French political ecology and outlook it with the American political ecology and, then, we will incite on the role of radical actors to redefine a radical ecology less consensual that the institutionalized ecology. In the 21st century the social need for a political stream and an ecological science increases trough the multiplication of human and natural disasters and the rise of their visibility in medias. Radical ecology suggests answers to those new challenges. We could then draw the specificity of the French political ecology which is, at the same time, close to conventional political actors by accepting the rules of the political field, at its frontiers, and, finally in touch with political margins.