This thesis examines three case studies in presidential rhetoric in order to explore the genre of domestic crisis rhetoric as defined by Theodore O. Windt (1990). Windt (1986) notes the impressive scholarship on the rhetoric of war and international crises, but also laments the “neglect” of research into “equally significant speeches on domestic „crises,‟ especially those concerned with economic issues” (p. 104). Windt (1990) proposes a generic model that views domestic crisis rhetoric through a dialectic lens that explores how the discourse defines the president‟s policy and how it depicts the policy of the president‟s opponents. This study examines three of the most important presidential rhetorical texts on domestic issues of the last 50 years, each by a different president and each addressing a different domestic political issue – Barack Obama‟s September 9, 2009 address on health care reform, George W. Bush‟s September 19 and September 24, 2008 speeches on the financial crisis, and Lyndon Johnson‟s call for a “war on poverty” in his January 8, 1964 State of the Union address – with the goal of testing the generalizability of the genre across time and gaining a better understanding of how presidents respond to – and create – exigency through rhetoric. / Introduction and overview -- Literature review -- Method -- Barack Obama and health care reform -- George W. Bush and the financial crisis -- Lyndon Johnson and the "war on poverty" -- Conclusions. / Access to thesis permanently restricted to Ball State community only / Department of Communication Studies

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Hawaii at Manoa, 2005. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 237-262). / Also available by subscription via World Wide Web / vii, 262 leaves, bound 29 cm

This thesis investigates the extent to which Ambassador Kirkpatrick's and Ambassador Walters' United Nations discourses on human rights reflects the rhetorical themes of "prophetic dualism" and "technocratic realism." A metaphoric analysis of six speeches reveals that both Kirkpatrick's and Walters' arguments were framed through an ideological division between Democracy and Communism. The presence of "prophetic dualism" in Kirkpatrick's and Walters' discourses is explained as an extension of President Reagan's bipolar rhetoric on world affairs. The presence of "technocratic realism" in Walters' discourse is described as resulting from a unique set of political and rhetorical factors. The exacting nature of "prophetic dualism" may make it ill suited as a method of argument in the realm of diplomacy.

No description available.

Using the Aristotelian concept of artistic proof, this thesis analyzes nine televised speeches presented by President Reagan from February 1981 through April 1983. Reagan skillfully utilizes only two modes of rhetorical proof--ethos and pathos. However, his lack of logical proof has not lessened his effectiveness. This study reveals several reasons for Reagan's rhetorical effectiveness and success. For example, Reagan's strong ethical image and personality comfort his audience and encourage their trust. His weaknesses in logical argument are overlooked by his audience because of his high personal appeal. Furthermore, Reagan's use of pathos appeals makes Americans feel good about themselves and their country, helping him to maintain his popularity. Finally, Reagan's skillful use of the television medium has increased his effectiveness.

All 1996 parliamentary speeches of two members from each of three parties represented in the South African parliament were coded for the extent to which they demonstrated integrative complexity, a measure of the level of differentiation and integration which a decision-maker demonstrates in justifying his or her position. Each of the selected debates was also categorised according to the manner in which the speaker was aligned in relation to other parties taking part in the debate and the extent to which the matter had been aired in parliament previously. The relationship between the level of integrative complexity shown in the speeches was assessed in relation to the alignment of the speaker with other parties, the extent to which the debate had been rehearsed and the position f the speaker on the left-right political spectrum. The results of the study indicated a strong relationship between the relationship of the speaker to the ruling ANC in the debate, with speakers showing significantly lower integrative complexity when opposing the ANC than when they were in agreement with the ANC. The extent to which the debate had been rehearsed bore a relationship to integrative complexity which only approached significance and the political affiliation of the speaker yielded a non-significant relationship to integrative complexity. The results of the study are discussed with reference to existing theoretical understandings of and research into integrative complexity. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 1999.

The purpose of this study is to examine the 1960 presidential campaign of John F. Kennedy and the 1968 presidential campaign of Robert F. Kennedy in order to analyze the similarities and differences that exist in their campaigns and their rhetoric. Specifically, the study examines the primary campaign rhetoric of the candidates and determines the rhetorical vision and fantasy themes that are created in three speeches from each campaign. The following research questions are proposed: What are the differences and similarities between John Kennedy and Robert Kennedy, in terms of their presidential rhetoric, their presidential campaigns, and their rhetorical visions? Does Robert Kennedy's rhetoric seem to be an extension of his brother's rhetoric or does it stand as his own?The study selects three speeches from each campaign as artifacts. The first speech by each candidate was the announcement of his candidacy. The second followed soon thereafter, before primary election results were a factor. The last speech reviewed in each campaign occurred after primary election results were announced, and the candidates had achieved success and failure in their campaigns.Fantasy theme analysis is employed to determine the fantasies that exist in the rhetoric and the rhetorical vision that is presented in each campaign. The analysis finds that each vision is comprised of four fantasy themes. The findings reveal that Robert Kennedy's rhetoric and rhetorical vision act as an entity separate from John Kennedy's, with unique goals and a different focus. / Department of Speech Communication

This thesis explores the content of presidential communication to children, specifically the only three presidential speeches that have been designed for children. These three speeches are President Barack Obama's speech to children in 2009, George H.W. Bush's speech to children in 1991, and Ronald Reagan's speech to children in 1988. Through content analysis this thesis was designed to determine whether persuasive strategies were used in these messages to children, and if persuasive strategies were present, which ones were used. Through qualitative analysis conducting a focus group discussion with children exposed to one of the presidential speeches, this thesis also explored the speeches from children's perspectives. Political socialization theory is used as framework for developing the study, and three persuasive theories are used for analysis of the speeches. The findings provide insight into presidential communication to children and implications of future research in this area. Findings suggest that persuasive strategies are present and a variety of techniques are utilized in the speeches. The purpose and common topics of these speeches are also explored. Focus group findings support that children can identify persuasive strategies present in the speeches and provide insight into the knowledge children retain from exposure to the communication.

Initially proposed in 2001, the Development, Relief, and Education for Alien Minors Act (DREAM Act) continues to be relevant after nearly 20 years of debate. The year 2010 was significant because there seemed to be some possibility of passage. This study investigated the ways in which the DREAM Act discourse was framed that year by supporters and opponents. Selected Congressional speeches of three supporters and three opponents were analyzed using the approach to frame analysis developed by Schön and Rein. Accordingly, attention went to each individual's metacultural frame (i.e., culturally shared beliefs), policy frame (i.e., identification of problem and presentation of possible solution), and rhetorical frame (i.e., means of persuading the audience). Attention also went to the shared framing among supporters and the shared framing among opponents as well as differences in framing across the two groups. Although speakers varied in framing the issue, there were commonalities within groups and contrasts between groups. For supporters, the metacultural frame emphasized equity/equal opportunity, fairness, and rule of law; for opponents, the metacultural frame stressed rule of law, patriotism, and national security. For supporters, the policy frame underscored unfairness as the problem and the DREAM Act as the solution; for opponents, the policy frame emphasized the DREAM Act as the problem and defeating the DREAM Act as the solution. Rhetorical frames also differed, with the supporters making much use of testimonial examples and the opponents making much use of hyperbole. The study illustrates (1) how the same named values and beliefs can have dramatically different interpretations in metacultural framing, as were the case for rule of law and American dream in this discourse; (2) how the crux of an issue and its intractability can be seen by looking at how the problem is posed and how the solution is argued, and (3) how speakers strengthen their claims with particular kinds of rhetorical devices. Through descriptions of political positioning on the DREAM Act, the study contributes to understandings of ongoing issues regarding the lives of undocumented young people who have received and are receiving education in the U.S.