Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Hong Kong, 2002. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 291-304).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (S.T.M.)--Yale University Divinity School, 1992. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 77-81).

Thesis (S.T.M.)--Yale University Divinity School, 1992. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 77-81).

Thesis--Gothenburg. / Summary in English. Bibliography: p. 185-190.

Thesis (S.T.M.)--Yale University Divinity School, 1992. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 77-81).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2006. / Title from first page of PDF file. Includes bibliographical references (p. 290-308).

The aim of this dissertation is to increase knowledge of political efficacy,both theoretically and empirically. A thorough theoretical discussion iscombined with empirical studies of the development of political efficacy and of its effects on political participation. The results are also discussed in the light of political equality. In three papers, quantitative data on Swedish adolescents are analyzed. The first paper discusses what political efficacy actually entails. Based on an overview of previous research, a merged multidisciplinary perspective with a focus on people’s beliefs in their capacities to perform political actions is presented. Four main pathways concerning how youths gain political efficacy are tested. The second paper’s main question is whether, and in which ways, schools can help students gain political efficacy. In the light of political equality, it reflects upon the individual and societal effects of potential gains in youths’ political efficacy. The third paper scrutinizes the effects of political efficacy on political participation. In addition, the combinations of having political efficacy beliefs, and political knowledge or interest, are tested in order to explore potential interaction (leverage) effects. Altogether, this dissertation presents a more refined and stringent view on political efficacy. It further clarifies the concept itself, which may aid clearer, more coherent, and less ambiguous research. It also provides an input into an existing framework for understanding the development of youths’ political efficacy. Finally, it finds that political efficacy seems to work as a lever for participation. Combined with political interest, it facilitatesthe transformation of psychological engagement into political action. The findings will inform discussion on the implications of stimulating youths’ political efficacy to promote political participation and political equality. By boosting political efficacy along various pathways – in part independently of socioeconomic status – political equality may be promoted by benefiting the least advantaged.

L'objectif de cette thèse est d'analyser les transformations du politique dans la société chilienne, en partant des individus qui composent le mouvement étudiant de 2011, leurs expériences de vie et leurs organisations. Pour cela, quatre grandes dimensions sont analysées : les établissements d'enseignement, la transition de l’université républicaine à l’université des masses ; dès manifestations étudiantes des années quatre-vingt-dix jusqu'à l'explosion de 2011 ; les organisations politiques qui sont générés au sein des universités et leurs formes d'organisation ; et enfin l'individu. Dans cette dernière phase, nous nous concentrons principalement sur les leaders étudiants en observant leurs trajectoires et leurs socialisations politiques. La méthodologie utilisée est essentiellement qualitative, mais elle considère aussi des outils quantitatifs. Les instruments utilisés sont principalement des histoires de vie et des interviews, celles-ci ont été réalisées avec les dirigeants universitaires qui ont participé à des organisations au cours des dernières manifestations de 2006 et 2011, mais les dirigeants des années quatre-vingt-dix et quatre-vingt ont également été interrogés en tant qu’informateurs clés. Les résultats de cette thèse rendent compte d'une part, des mobilisations récentes et de la façon dont émergent des nouveaux types de dirigeants politiques, des formes de participation et d’une organisation plus horizontale et flexible, bien que de nombreuses organisations traditionnelles persistent. Les trajectoires politiques des leaders étudiants ne sont plus les mêmes et nous pouvons observer l'émergence de nouvelles formes de socialisation politique, où les cultures urbaines et les espaces universitaires jouent un rôle prédominant. Enfin, nous pouvons voir que le caractère individuel des récentes mobilisations imprègne le mouvement dans ses diverses dimensions : de la manière dont ils sont organisés à la façon dont la manifestation est générée. / This thesis aims to analyze the transformations the political field in the Chilean society. It is based on the individuals who made up the student movement of 2011, their experiences and their organizations. Considering this purpose, four major dimensions are analyzed: university institutions, starting from a republican university to a mass university; student mobilizations, from the 1990’s to the outbreak of 2011; the political organizations that are generated within the universities and their forms of organization; and finally, the individuals themselves. In this last phase we focus mainly on the student leaders, we intend to understand their trajectories and the way they socialize politically. The methodology used is mainly qualitative, however, we also considered quantitative tools. The instruments used are mainly life stories and in-depth interviews. These were conducted with university leaders who participated in organizations during the recent mobilizations of 2006 and 2011. However, we also interviewed leaders of the 1990’s and 1980’s, and other key informants. The results of this thesis show, on the one hand, new types of political leadership and, more horizontal and flexible forms of participation and organization that emerge from the recent mobilizations. Nevertheless, many traditional organizations remain. The political trajectories of student leaders are no longer the same as before and we could observe the emergence of new forms of political socialization, where urban cultures and university spaces played a predominant role. Finally, it is possible to observe that the individualistic character of the recent mobilizations permeates the different dimensions of the movement: starting from the way in which it is organized to the way in which the protest is generated. / El objetivo de esta tesis es analizar las transformaciones de lo político en la sociedad chilena, a partir de los individuos que conforman el movimiento estudiantil de 2011, de sus experiencias vividas y sus organizaciones. Para lo cual, se analizan cuatro grandes dimensiones: las instituciones universitarias, que transitan desde una universidad republicana hasta una universidad de masas; las movilizaciones estudiantiles a partir de la década de los noventa hasta el estallido del 2011; las organizaciones políticas que se generan en el seno de las universidades y sus formas de organización; y por último el individuo. En esta última fase nos centramos principalmente en los líderes estudiantiles, para conocer sus trayectorias y la manera como se socializan políticamente. La metodología utilizada es principalmente cualitativa, aunque también se consideran herramientas de carácter cuantitativo. Los instrumentos utilizados son principalmente historias de vida y entrevistas en profundidad, y se realizaron a dirigentes universitarios que participaron en organizaciones durante las recientes movilizaciones del 2006 y del 2011, aunque también se entrevistaron líderes de la década de los noventa y los ochenta, y a informantes claves. Los resultados de esta tesis dan cuenta por una parte, que a partir de las recientes movilizaciones y de ciertos elementos emergentes, surgen nuevos tipos de liderazgos políticos y formas de participación y de organización más horizontales y flexibles, aunque muchas organizaciones tradicionales persisten. Las trayectorias políticas de los dirigentes estudiantiles ya no son las mismas de antaño y podemos observar la emergencia de nuevas formas de socialización política, donde las culturas urbanas y los espacios universitarios tienen un rol predominante. Finalmente, es posible observar que el carácter individual de las recientes movilizaciones permea el movimiento en sus distintas dimensiones: desde la manera en cómo se organizan hasta cómo se genera la protesta.

To what extent do immigrants who spent their formative years under authoritarianism adapt to the socio-political environment of their new democratic host country? The purpose of this thesis is to illuminate the political socialization of immigrants and provide governments with information for evidence-based policy regarding the assimilation of these immigrants. This is achieved by statistical analysis, measuring the effects of exposure to host country and age on political interest, political participation and political values. The evidence shows that immigrants from authoritarianism are able to adapt their political attitudes after exposure to new democratic socio-political environments, but that the exposure gained from living in a democratic country might not be sufficient to increase political participation by itself. These results speak in favor of governments attempts to inform a potentially vulnerable minority group of their political rights and the importance of political participation so as their voices might be heard. As well as immigrant’s ability to adapt to democratic political life.