This thesis investigates the effect that a variety of demographic, educational, cognitive, and health-related variables have on civic engagement. Civic engagement is defined as a combination of frequency of volunteering and feelings of political efficacy. International survey data from 34 countries are used to provide a cross-national view of the predictors of civic engagement. We use canonical correlation analysis to investigate the widespread effects of predictor variables on both facets of civic engagement (volunteering and political efficacy) and the effects that are linked to only one facet. Furthermore, we use country-level socio-demographic data to link patterns of civic engagement of potentially marginalised groups to the representation those groups have at the community level and the political level. Our results highlight the importance of cognitive skills and skill building resources in supporting engaged citizens: literacy skill, numeracy skill, educational attainment, and number of books in the home are found to be strong predictors of civic engagement across all countries. The present thesis contributes to knowledge by employing a common measure of civic engagement across all countries, using an analysis method that allows and accounts for variance shared by multiple facets of civic engagement, and by investigating civic engagement across a wide variety of countries. / Thesis / Master of Science (MSc) / This thesis investigates the factors that affect how involved someone is in their community or society. This involvement is known as civic engagement, which we define as a combination of levels of volunteering and political efficacy (the belief that one can affect politics). A wide variety of potential influencing factors are considered, including literacy and numeracy level, education, health level, and immigration and language background. We use data from an international survey to investigate the effects of these variables on levels of civic engagement in 34 countries. We use a statistical method that highlights how our variables of interest influence civic engagement as a whole, and how the variables specifically influence levels of volunteering or political efficacy. By analyzing the effects of the variables across diverse countries and measures of civic engagement, we shed new light on the factors that promote civic engagement around the world.

This study seeks to investigate perceptions on education’s effect on political efficacy among university students at University of Pristhina, Kosovo; as well as how that seems to inform political behavior. Education is believed to have important implications on political behavior, an important factor for this is internal and external political efficacy, which allows research to disentangle educational effects on the individual’s political behavior. In-depth interviews were conducted during a minor field study to examine these perceptions. Three ideal personality types were detected among the respondents in regard to their respective level of internal and external political efficacy, while the perception of how education informed these two components on the contrary was portrayed as uniform regardless of level of perceived political efficacy. It is found, in line with previous research, that education is perceived to increase internal political efficacy, making the individuals more confident in their capacity to understand and participate in politics. External political efficacy seems to be less informed by education and more so by the societal context in which the students find themselves. In a context such as Kosovo, which still struggles with its democratization process, this leads to low levels of external political confidence. Further studies are recommended to increase the understanding of, in particular, the external political efficacy among youths in Kosovo.

This dissertation examines the role of extreme media (i.e. political talk radio and cable news opinion shows) on the political attitudes of viewers and listeners. I investigate whether extreme media has both positive and negative externalities for democratic citizenship. Specifically, I use laboratory experiments, national survey data, and qualitative interviews to test the impact of extreme media on viewers' political knowledge, trust in government, efficacy, and political tolerance. I use laboratory experiments in controlled settings to uncover the impact of viewership on political knowledge, trust in government, and efficacy. I confirm these lab findings with the national survey data, by using propensity score matching and ordered probit models to demonstrate that exposure to extreme media produces political knowledge and efficacy, but decreases trust in government. I further use process tracing to ascertain the motivations individuals use to choose to view extreme media. Finally, through subject interviews conducted as part of the self-selection portion via a 1 x 3 self-selection experiment, I find subjects seek out entertaining media specifically from ideologically similar outlets. This project advances the media and politics literature by demonstrating the capacity for extreme media to alter political behavior, attitudes, and information processing.

Abstract The purpose of this study is to explore the political attitudes of Senior high school (including professional school) students in Kaohsiung as well as the relationship between the factors of school and family and students¡¦ political attitudes. The subjects of this study are Senior high school students in Kaohsiung.The sampling method is to use stratified cluster sampling method. The 626 students from eight schools were sampled as effect samples. The questionnaire was used to investigate the political attitudes of students based on their gender, their school attribute, and their grade level. Additionally, the questionnaire was also used to explore the relationship between students¡¦ political attitudes and the factors of school and family, including teachers¡¦ styles of discipline, peer relationship, the atmosphere of school organization, club activity and parenting style. Political attitude scales include five types: attitude towards public affairs, sense of political trust, sense of citizen duty, sense of political efficacy, and concept of democracy. The questionnaire is constructed with reference to a review of related literature and is developed by the researcher. The data is analyzed by frequency distribution, percentile, average, standard deviation, t-test, Pearson product-moment correlation, and stepwise multiple regression analysis. The results are summarized as follows: 1. The political attitudes of Senior high school students in Kaohsiung are positive. The results of ¡§ attitude towards public affairs¡¨, ¡§sense of citizen duty¡¨, and ¡§concept of democracy¡¨ are better. The average scores are 3.59 , 3.89 and 3.99.¡@The results of ¡§sense of political trust¡¨and¡§sense of political efficacy¡¨ are less satisfactory.¡@The scores are 2.65 and 2.90. 2. There is no significant difference on political attitudes of students between different genders. 3. There is significant difference on political attitudes of students between different school attributes. Regular high school students were more active than professional school students. 4. There is significant difference on political attitudes of students between different grade levels. 5. There is a significant positive relationship between students¡¦ political attitudes and their teachers¡¦ styles of discipline, peer relationship, atmosphere of school organization, club activity and parenting style. That is, students hold more positive political attitudes when teachers¡¦ styles of discipline are more democratic, peer relationship is closer, atmosphere of school organization is more democratic , club activities are more democratic, and parenting style is more democratic. 6. When political attitude is the independent variable, significant predicting ability is demonstrated in the following five variables¡G¡§ atmosphere of school organization¡¨, ¡§parenting style¡¨,¡§school attributes¡¨ ,¡§peer relationship¡¨, and ¡§association activity.¡¨ Based on the results of this study, the following suggestions are provided: 1. Teachers are suggested to encourage students to express their opinions in order to form democratic atmosphere of school organization. 2. Parents should actively show their concerns about children, accommodate their emotion, and love them. Parental disciplinary style should be democratic. 3. Students should establish good peer relationship and learn inter-personal relationship. 4. Teachers are suggested to encourage students to participate student clubs in order to promote a democratic culture on campus.

The aim of this dissertation is to increase knowledge of political efficacy,both theoretically and empirically. A thorough theoretical discussion iscombined with empirical studies of the development of political efficacy and of its effects on political participation. The results are also discussed in the light of political equality. In three papers, quantitative data on Swedish adolescents are analyzed. The first paper discusses what political efficacy actually entails. Based on an overview of previous research, a merged multidisciplinary perspective with a focus on people’s beliefs in their capacities to perform political actions is presented. Four main pathways concerning how youths gain political efficacy are tested. The second paper’s main question is whether, and in which ways, schools can help students gain political efficacy. In the light of political equality, it reflects upon the individual and societal effects of potential gains in youths’ political efficacy. The third paper scrutinizes the effects of political efficacy on political participation. In addition, the combinations of having political efficacy beliefs, and political knowledge or interest, are tested in order to explore potential interaction (leverage) effects. Altogether, this dissertation presents a more refined and stringent view on political efficacy. It further clarifies the concept itself, which may aid clearer, more coherent, and less ambiguous research. It also provides an input into an existing framework for understanding the development of youths’ political efficacy. Finally, it finds that political efficacy seems to work as a lever for participation. Combined with political interest, it facilitatesthe transformation of psychological engagement into political action. The findings will inform discussion on the implications of stimulating youths’ political efficacy to promote political participation and political equality. By boosting political efficacy along various pathways – in part independently of socioeconomic status – political equality may be promoted by benefiting the least advantaged.

In the Chinese authoritarian and conservative political system, Chinese political efficacy and political participation are popular directions of research in recent years. Based on uses and gratifications theory and self-efficacy theory, this thesis explored the relationships among social media use, political efficacy, and political participation. The most important part of this study was examining the mediating role of political efficacy between social media use and political participation in mainland China. Internal political efficacy and external political efficacy are two dimensions of political efficacy that were separately examined in this study. The results revealed that internal political efficacy can mediate between social media use and political participation. However, external political efficacy cannot mediate social media use and political participation. The additional findings are related to gender, age, and educational level. Chinese males scored higher on average in social media use, internal political efficacy, and political participation than females. Chinese females measured a higher on external political efficacy score than males. In addition, Chinese young adults have more social media use related to politics than older adults. On the other hand, Chinese older adults have higher internal political efficacy and external political efficacy than younger adults. Furthermore, higher educational level is a strong predictor of political participation.

The purpose of this study is to create a deeper understanding of the electoral participation of young people in Malmö city in the age of 18-29. The focus will be to examine their competence, sense of power and network in relation to political participation. The study's two questionnaires are: Why is the younger generation's turnout in Malmö city increasingly lower than other corresponding groups? What factors are behind the low turnout within the younger group in relation to "Political Efficacy"?The method is based on a qualitative content analysis and a hypothetical-deductive approach. This is to create a deeper meaning and to test different theses from the empirical material. The study's theory has been based on previously mentioned Political Efficacy. One of the more prominent and coherent results from the essay show that the informant's political self-esteem is low. The knowledge surrounding electoral participation requires great efforts for the young people to understand just how important it is that every vote in electoral participation counts.

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This study expands research on uses and gratifications by exploring political information-seeking uses of the Internet and social networking sites (SNS) and their relationships with political efficacy and political participation. Approximately 300 young adults completed a survey covering information-seeking, information access, and information sharing uses for local civic and political purposes. The study hypothesizes that young adults' political talk, particularly in their online social networks, is associated with political efficacy. Variables that support the relationship between information-seeking and political efficacy are also explored. Random and convenience samples of young adults were combined in this study to explore the cognitive (perceived efficacy) and civic (actual behavior) behaviors of undergraduate students at Virginia Tech in order to examine the role of political talk in individuals' opinion networks measured by the outcome of political talk. Results show considerable support for hypotheses emphasizing the predicted relationships between Internet and SNS for political information-seeking uses, political efficacy, and political participation gratifications. Future research exploring the broad range of political communication uses and their association with political efficacy and political participation is warranted. / Master of Arts

Mémoire numérisé par la Direction des bibliothèques de l'Université de Montréal.