政治功效意識普遍被學界認為是影響民眾政治態度與政治參與的重要因素之一，因為其為個人評估自己對政治事務瞭及影響能力的評估。另一方面，新聞媒介是提供民眾訊息的主要來源，從之前相關研究也發現，在民眾接觸大眾傳播媒介後，會對其政治態度造成一定程度的影響；不過，對於大眾傳播媒介的使用與政治功效意識的關聯，過去研究的結果則有不同的看法。因此，本研究試圖藉由非選舉與選舉時期的調查資料，透過民眾使用新聞媒介的習慣，來瞭解其與內在及外在政治功效意識的關聯。 研究結果顯示，不論是在非選舉或選舉時期，民眾的新聞媒介使用從注意程度與暴露程度觀察，電視是最主要的資訊來源，其次則為報紙。其餘廣播、新聞雜誌、網路等新聞媒介的使用率皆偏低；而電視與廣播政論性CALL-IN節目，有習慣收看、收聽的民眾也佔少數。 對於新聞媒介使用與政治功效意識關聯性的探討，在非選舉時期民眾對媒體所報導的新聞愈注意時，其內在及外在政治功效意識則可能愈高。不過，民眾收看電視新聞的時間愈長，其內在政治功效意識則可能愈低；但與外在政治功效意識的關係不顯著，代表與外在政治功效意識的高低沒有顯著的關係。 至於選舉時期，則是針對民眾接觸大眾傳播媒介報導的選舉新聞進行研究；發現民眾在選舉時期對於選舉新聞的接觸，與其政治功效意識的高低沒有顯著的關係。所以，由於政治功效意識是受到生活經驗長期培養而成，是深植於民眾心中長期穩定的政治態度；新聞媒介對於報導的選舉新聞則僅出現在接近選舉的一兩個月，因此這種短期因素較難與民眾的政治功效意識有顯著的關聯。 / Political efficacy is regarded as an important factor to influence political attitudes and political participation. On the other hand, mass media nowadays are the main sources to provide people political information and may furthermore influences people’s political attitudes. However, existed literarature shows different views about the relationships between the use of mass media and political efficacy. Therefore, the purpose of this research was to analyze the relationships between mass media use and their impact on internal and external political efficacy. By conducting secondary analysis of national surveys, which were collected during the period of election and non-election, this study has the following findings. First of all, television is the major news media for people to get information, and newspaper is second to it. Radio, magazine and internet are far below the importance of television and newspaper in acquiring political information. Second, our analysis shows that during the period of non-election, the more that people pay attention to news, the higher internal and external political efficacy they have. If people spend more time on watching news on television, they have less internal political efficacy. However, there is no correlation between the exposure of news media and external political efficacy. Finally, during the period of election, there is no correlation between the use of news media and political efficacy. It is inferred that because political efficacy is mostly influenced by people’s life-long experiences so it is stable in terms of political attitude. Therefore, it is not likely that election news will influence people’s political efficacy in a short period of time.

This study posits that there is a connection between political action online and activism in the real life. In addition, social ties and networks as well as political knowledge and efficacy play an important role in this connection. Causes, an application on Facebook, was selected for analyzed. A mixed method study was conducted, consisting of two stages. In the first stage (quantitative), a survey was utilized to investigate the correlation between activities on Causes and conventional political engagement. A total of 45 responses were gathered using convenience sampling. It was found that there is a strong correlation between action on Causes and conventional political engagement. For example, information retrieval activities are correlated with conventional activism (r=.418, p<.05), and social networking activities are also correlated with conventional activism (r=.661, p<.05). In addition to the survey, intensive interviews (N = 5) were conducted in the second stage (qualitative) to elaborate and clarify the results from the survey as well as to explore new grounds on the significance of ties and networks. Some themes have emerged from the interviews, including motivations for the use of Causes, Causes as an information channel, potential and problems of Causes, online versus offline activism, affiliation and involvement, political knowledge and efficacy as well as ties and networks. Interview findings concluded that the high correlation between online and offline activism is further specified by the interviewees to be an extension of each form of activism, meaning they are complementary rather than identical.

對於比較政治領域，威權政體的「選舉」開放，是否真的會使公民出現自主性參與，一直是學界極為關注的命題。檢視當前中國城市基層選舉，可以發現，參與帶動的「有限政治改革」，其效果仍難以預料。因此，本研究主要探討，轉型中政權選舉的制度效應，會對選民個體的「政治功效意識」與政治行動帶來何種影響。我們並嘗試從政治功效意識的研究範疇，提出「防禦性」與「認同性」兩種概念分類，「防禦性」功效意識是由於選民的維權心態激發的投票參與意願，「認同性」效能感是由選舉動員浮現的群體認同投票意識。我們假設，個體同時經歷過「認同性」與「防禦性」兩種功效意識的形塑過程，但又受到個人的「政權支持」程度影響，不可能出現兩種功效意識同時上升的情形。而個別心態傾向會影響後續的政治行動，會有「退出」、「呼籲」、「忠誠」三種行動抉擇。「退出」是不再進場參與投票，「呼籲」走向過激的政治反抗，「忠誠」則是向黨國輸誠。 針對上述假定，本研究以上海2006、2009年兩次居委會換屆選舉為研究個案。根據作者田野調查發現，經過選後，防禦性功效意意識較高的選民，最終採取「抗議」的政治行動；認同性功效意識較高的選民，雖部分仍表態黨國「忠誠」，但多數參與者卻由於選舉過程無法滿足，浮現「失望」，呈現參與「退出」的情況。因此，「『高認同性』功效意識選民退出－『高防禦性』功效意識選民呼籲」，構成了社區基層選舉存在著普遍的「集體行動困境」，但值得注意的是，這種選舉失望走向從「退出」的行動選擇，卻也可能最終又走回「呼籲」的過激行動。就此觀之，中國的基層民主發展，或許會是面臨集體行動困境之後，走向突發轉折的非預期性後果。

本研究區分中介之精熟經驗與感知之精熟經驗。前者為玩家在角色扮演遊戲中所獲得之成功經驗，後者指玩家對此中介經驗之整體評估感受，且包含過去經驗。玩家在遊戲中不斷接受挑戰並破關的過程，即包含了成功的中介精熟經驗，此經驗與感知之精熟經驗應為正向相關，且為遊戲中必要之一環。角色依附是探討玩家與其角色關係之重要變項，當玩家越依附於其角色時，越能將此中介精熟經驗轉換成其感知之精熟經驗，越能對其效能感產生正面影響。本研究因此嘗試探討嚴肅遊戲中提供的中介精熟經驗是否會影響內部政治效能感，並探討在這影響機制中，感知精熟經驗，角色依附與內在政治效能感之路徑關係。 本研究採對照組前後測實驗設計。參與者為131位大學生，在本研究發展之政策嚴肅遊戲中，參與者被隨機分派到實驗組與控制組。兩組皆接受遊戲之中介精熟經驗處理，但為了檢驗遊戲中介之精熟經驗與玩家感知之精熟經驗之關係，實驗組提供不同場景以演練技巧之遊戲，控制組則未提供不同場景以演練技巧之遊戲。此實驗過程費時大約60分鐘。玩家在實驗前後於線上填寫問卷。本研究首先使用重複量數單因子變異數分析以檢驗不同性別與組別之實驗結果，接著，再以結構方程模型探討感知精熟經驗，角色依附與內在政治效能感之路徑關係。 研究結果發現：(一) 實驗組與控制組之內在政治效能感皆明顯提升，然而，實驗組之提升幅度並未顯著高於控制組。(二) 在路徑模式中，角色依附會透過感知之精熟經驗間接影響內在政治效能，而前測內在政治效能會透過感知精熟經驗間接影響後測內在政治效能，亦會對後測內在政治效能造成直接影響。 本研究有助於了解嚴肅遊戲之心理機制，其結果對於應用嚴肅遊戲設計與公民教育有重要啟示。 / This study distinguished “mediated enactive experience” and “perceived mastery experience”. The former referred to the experience when a player plays an avatar in a game and the latter referred to a player’s psychological evaluations of the experience including past experience. Mediated enactive experiences is positively related to perceived mastery experiences when players play and make progresses in a game. The experiences are an essential part of a game. Yet character attachment may influence the relationship between players and avatars. If a player attaches to his or her own avatar more, he or she may perceive the mediated enactive experiences more his or her mastery experience, therefore, character attachment should positively contribute to internal political efficacy through perceived mastery experience. A control group pretest-posttest experimental design was conducted in this study. Both groups received policy-related mediated enactive experiences from the serious game. In order to test if players who received more policy-related mediated enactive experiences will upgrade their internal political efficacy to a higher level, 113 college students were randomly assigned to one of the two groups: In the experimental group, players played an avatar with chances for practicing learned skills in three different settings; In the control group, players played an avatar without chances for practicing learned skills. Two repeated-Measure ANOVAs were conducted to analyze if there were gender and group differences on manipulation effects. Moreover, structural equation modelling (SEM) was employed to analyze the proposed path model of character attachment, perceived mastery experiences, prior and posttest internal political efficacy. The results showed that the internal political efficacy of both groups was significantly enhanced. However, the experimental group did not upgrade to a higher level than the control group. Furthermore, in the path model, character attachment influenced posttest internal political efficacy indirectly through perceived mastery experiences; moreover, prior internal political efficacy influenced posttest internal political efficacy through perceived mastery experiences indirectly and also influenced posttest internal political efficacy directly. To conclude, the findings of this study can help understand psychological mechanisms related to gaming as well as can be applied to civic education and serious game design in the future.

This paper identifies variables that discriminate between participants and non-participants considering electoral and non-electoral dimensions of political participation in Córdoba, Argentina. A study was conducted by survey on a representative sample of the population (N = 450). The discriminant analysis allowed recognizing the contribution of right-wing autho­ ritarianism (RWA), collectivism, political collectivism, political interest and of participatory measure of “political efficacy”, to such differentiation in two dimensions of participation: electoral-campaign and contact with organizations and political figures. These results show the relationship of RWA with different political behavior of party preferences; and verify the relationship of different values and a participatory measure of “political efficacy” with broad participation repertoires. / El presente trabajo identifica variables que discriminan entre las personas que participan y quienes no participan políticamente, considerando dimensiones electorales y no electo­ rales de la participación política en Córdoba, Argentina. Se realizó un estudio por encuesta en una muestra representativa de la población (N=450). El análisis discriminante permitió reconocer el aporte del autoritarismo de derecha (RWA), colectivismo, colectivismo político, interés político y eficacia política participativa, a dicha diferenciación en dos dimensiones de la participación: electoral-de campaña y de contacto con organizaciones y referentes polí­ ticos. Estos resultados evidencian la relación del RWA con otros comportamientos políticos diferenciados de las preferencias partidarias y comprueban la relación de diferentes valores y de una medida participativa de la eficacia política con amplios repertorios participativos. / Este documento identifica as variáveis que discriminam entre os participantes e não par­ ticipantes, considerando dimensões eleitorais e não-eleitorais de participação política em Córdoba, Argentina. Um estudo foi realizado por levantamento de uma amostra represen­ tativa da população (N = 450). A análise discriminante permitiu reconhecer a contribuição de “autoritarismo de direita” (RWA), colectivismo, “coletivismo político”; política e interesse “política participativa eficácia”. Essas variáveis discriminar participantes em duas dimensões de participação: eleitorais - “campanha” e contato com organizações e figuras políticas. Estes resultados mostram a relação de RWA com outro comportamento político diferenciado das preferências partidárias e verificar a relação de valores diferentes e uma medida de eficácia política participativa, com amplos repertórios de participação.

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Democracy cannot exist without active and responsive citizens. However, the character of political participation of the young generation has changed. Given the decreasing willingness of young people to participate in conventional politics, a highly relevant issue is to examine the sources and motivations of their political commitment and relations to politics. Therefore, the dissertation traces the political trajectories of young Czech and German activists and focuses on the contextual and sociopsychological factors that shape them. The aim of the text is to answer the main research question: 'How and why do Czech and German university students get involved in political and civic organisations?' Firstly, the thesis examines the role of primary and secondary political socialisation in different societal contexts. It provides an understanding of the key mechanisms and narratives of family political socialisation. Attention is also paid to the influence of civic education, peers and teachers at secondary and grammar schools, as well as to the impact of the university environment on political activism. Secondly, the thesis explores the range of motivations for organisational membership and recruitment procedures, as well as the variable ways of how youth relate to politics. The dissertation also...

This study examines high school students' experience of a political role play in social studies. The purpose of the thesis is to investigate which abilities role-playing games develop for students and through this contribute to the social studies didactic research of experience-based teaching that reflects reality. The ambition of the thesis is to understand whether the effects of role-playing as a teaching method for the learning of political skills are experienced as useful for their role as citizens. Through a digital survey, the students in this study answer questions about their perceived development of their political self-confidence, their political abilities and whether the role-play motivates effort, which in turn answers the question of whether political role-play in social studies is effective for students' self-governance in society. The result shows that the political role-play has beneficial effects for most of the surveyed students development of their political abilities. The students in the study feel that their political self-confidence has increased and that the teaching has benefited their understanding of dissenting views. The result also shows that large parts of the student group have made an effort, which shows that they experience the effects of the teaching as useful in their future role as citizens. / Denna studie undersöker gymnasieelevers upplevelse av ett politiskt rollspel i samhällskunskap. Syftet med uppsatsen är att undersöka vilka förmågor rollspel utvecklar för elever för att bidra till den samhällskunskapsdidaktiska forskningen av upplevelsebaserad undervisning som speglar verkligheten. Ambitionen för uppsatsen är att förstå om effekterna av rollspel som undervisningsmetod för lärandet av politiskt förmågor upplevs som nyttiga för sin roll som medborgare. Genom en digital enkät svarar eleverna i denna studie på frågor om sin upplevda kunskapsutveckling av sin politiskt självtillit, sina politiska förmågor och om rollspelet motiverar till ansträngning, som i sin tur ger svar på frågan om politiskt rollspel i samhällskunskap är effektfullt för elevers självstyrning i samhället. Resultatet visar att det politiska rollspelet har fördelaktiga effekter för de flesta av de tillfrågade eleverna i sin utveckling av politiska förmågor. Eleverna i studien upplever att deras politiska självtillit har ökat och att undervisningen har gynnat deras förståelse för oliktänkande åsikter. Resultatet visar även att stora delar av elevgruppen har ansträngt sig vilket visar att de upplever effekterna av undervisningen som nyttiga i sin framtida rollsom medborgare.