本論文，共一冊，約十四萬字，除緒論、結論、附錄外，共分八章，廿八節。 第一章：『少年中國學會發起之背景』，主要以晚清民族主義之傳承，及受五四新文 化運動影響為經，以留日學生救國團罷學歸國事件為緯，來論述『少中』成立背景。 第二章：『少年中國學會成立動機之探討』，係以對新時代的要求，舊人物的失望， 救國家的動機，改造社會的企圖四點子目來論其動機之原委。 第三章：『少年中國學會發起的經過』，分醞釀、成立三個時期來說明『少中』成立 之經緯。 第四章：『少年中國學會的活動與發展』，『少中』的活動與發展，主要偏重於創辦 刊物輿論宣傳與成立分會和通訊社，至於另一項社會活動『工讀互助團』，則因經費 和實際問題，效果並不彰。 第五章：『少年中國學會之分裂』，『少中』分裂肇始於民國十年南京年會之時，始 而是政治活動與社會活動之爭，後來卻演變為共產主義與國家主義之鬥，兩派僵持不 下，遂使學會終至分裂瓦解。 第六章：『少年中國學會與反宗教運動』，主要是探討『少年』在二○年代反宗教運 動中所扮演的角色，及其反教思想的理論基礎何在。 第七辛：『少年中國學會與收回教育權運動」，重點放在討論少中內部的國家主義份 子，提倡國家主義的教育，對二○年代中國收回教育權運動的影響與貢獻。 第八章：『少年中國學會之影響』，『少中』最大的影響有三。一、為其與五四之關 係，二、為其對民國政局的影響，如中共、中青之成立，三、為其對婦女解放、文學 革命等之影響。 最後結論，則以綜合全文，對『少中』做一個較明確的歷史評價。

本論文希望透過視晚清小說為傳播媒介的概念，檢討它與晚清政治運動之間互動的關 係。共分七章，約十二萬字。 第一章，「結論」：說明本論文的研究概念、研究目的及名詞的界定。 第二章，「晚清小說發展的歷史背景」：從時代背景、新聞事業蓬興、文學潮流的衝 擊及小說在政治運動中的角色四方面說明之。 第三章，「新思潮的引介」與第四章，「對弊政的批判」：主要是從小說作者傳播民 權思想、女權思想、虛無主義等新思潮，使讀者產生一求變的理論基礎；對科舉制度 、貪官劣吏、崇洋媚外的大肆揭露批判，提供時人求變的事實依據。 第五章，「與政治改革運動的關係」與第六章，「革命派對小說的運用」：主要是從 政治運動的兩大主流-- -- 改革派與革命派著眼，探討兩派如何運用小說文字宣揚政 治理念，爭取奧援，達成強國裕民的理想。 第七章，「結論」：說明本論文的研究發現。

N/A / Thailand has experienced political instability since 2005 until present. The political conflict has divided people into two factions, the supporters and the opponents. First faction is the United Front for Democracy against Dictatorship (UDD). On the other side, the political movements of the anti-government faction are led by the People’s Alliance for Democracy (PAD) and People’s Democratic Reform Committee (PDRC). Social media such as Facebook, Line and YouTube have become the new tools for communication which are used to create change in social movements and political movements around the world. The new tools have revolutionized the social movements’paradigm and theory. This research thus aimed to study social media by focusing on the relationship between Facebook platform and Thai political movements. Both qualitative and quantitative methodologies were applied in this research as the tool to find an answer of the main question. The total amount of 1,500 survey questionnaire samples were distributed to respondents nationwide, and Pearson’s chi-squared test was applied to examine the relationship between social media (Facebook) and political movements. Finally, a result of the study showed that Thai people had different democratic ideologies, and that conflict of ideas had been accumulated and turned into the bedrock of political turmoil in this era. Moreover, it was found that Facebook was an amplifier, connector, and accelerator for political movement. Having Facebook as the new communication tool, Thai people in the society were encouraged to participate political movements rather than individual group or class movement presented in Thai history before. Social media such as Facebook linked cyber space and public space together through the new method of idea and information distribution and people mobilization. This motivated citizen to demonstrate on stress occupying government buildings and department stores. Therefore, political reconciliation should be concerned with democracy from the Thai society perspective rather than the Western one.

本論文的主要內容，是敘述從民國十五年左翼文藝工作者提出「革命文學」口號起， 到民國三十四年對日抗戰勝利止。其間中共利用左翼文藝工作者以為其政治運動的傳 聲筒；經過了「整風」運動，左翼文藝工作者甚而成為其政治鬥爭的工具的經過，進 而用以凸顯中共對知識子防範和疑懼的心理。其主要的提綱如下： 第一章：諸論 第二章：上海「中國左翼作家聯盟」時期（１９２６－１９３６） 第二節：「革命文學」的主張 第二節：「中國左翼作家聯盟」 第三節：「兩個口號」之爭 第三章：武漢「抗日民族統一戰線」時期（１９３７－１９４１） 第一節：文藝界「抗日民族統一戰線」的組成及其活動。 第二節：「文藝下鄉」運動 第四章：延安「文藝座談會」時期（１９４２－１９４３） 第一節：延安「整風」運動的背景 第二節：毛澤東「在延安文藝座談會上的講話」 第三節：「野百合花」事件 第五章：重慶「統一戰線」時期（１９４４－１９４５） 第一節：建立「工農兵」文藝政策 第二節：「工農兵」文藝活動 第六章：結論

This study posits that there is a connection between political action online and activism in the real life. In addition, social ties and networks as well as political knowledge and efficacy play an important role in this connection. Causes, an application on Facebook, was selected for analyzed. A mixed method study was conducted, consisting of two stages. In the first stage (quantitative), a survey was utilized to investigate the correlation between activities on Causes and conventional political engagement. A total of 45 responses were gathered using convenience sampling. It was found that there is a strong correlation between action on Causes and conventional political engagement. For example, information retrieval activities are correlated with conventional activism (r=.418, p<.05), and social networking activities are also correlated with conventional activism (r=.661, p<.05). In addition to the survey, intensive interviews (N = 5) were conducted in the second stage (qualitative) to elaborate and clarify the results from the survey as well as to explore new grounds on the significance of ties and networks. Some themes have emerged from the interviews, including motivations for the use of Causes, Causes as an information channel, potential and problems of Causes, online versus offline activism, affiliation and involvement, political knowledge and efficacy as well as ties and networks. Interview findings concluded that the high correlation between online and offline activism is further specified by the interviewees to be an extension of each form of activism, meaning they are complementary rather than identical.