The aim of the research is to identify implications for the practice of Politics academics from the experience their students have of expressing their political views. This exploratory study is set within the wider debate of power and performativity in the HE classroom. It is situated in a study of practice and perceptions in one Department at the University of Chester and conducted through a review of the literature and empirical qualitative research with both Politics students and Politics academics. The research found that while Politics students wish to express their political views, these may not be their actual political views. Politics students indicate that the Politics academic can affect their expression of political views. They prefer academics who express their own political views and they do not like politically neutral academics. They may wish to know an academic’s political views in order to gain advantage for themselves. Knowing an academic’s political views enables the student to avoid expressing political views which some Politics academics find offensive. The research highlights the part played by power and performativity in the expressing of the Politics student’s political views and identifies some of the complexities arising from this. The practice outcomes provide guidance on how Politics academics can approach the issue of the Politics student’s expression of political views. This single case study’s value lies in these contributions to wider practice. Research is identified which will explore the findings further.

Thesis advisor: Sara Moorman / In this thesis, I investigate if there are regional differences in suicide acceptability attitudes in the United States and what might explain these differences, namely political views or religious beliefs. I examine four suicide attitudes from the 2018 General Social Survey: whether a person has the right to die by suicide due to an incurable disease; bankruptcy; dishonoring one’s family; or being tired of living and ready to die. I draw upon a number of theories that discuss how one’s environment can influence their attitudes and how individuals form their attitudes in general. An individual from New England was found to be more accepting of suicide than someone from another region, and individual-level political and religious views were somewhat able to explain one’s suicide acceptability attitudes. Overall, regional differences in suicide attitudes do exist, perhaps helpful for future research to better understand differences in suicide rates around the country. / Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2022. / Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: Departmental Honors. / Discipline: Sociology.

This study analyzes the political view of criminality and crime politics in three political parties in the Swedish parliament, Socialdemokraterna, Folkpartiet and Moderaterna. The study seeks to describe which kind of view these parties present on the criminality in our society. The material for this study is the ideologies that the parties descend from which are, socialism, liberalism and conservatism, the political programs of these three parties have also been studied as well as the parties proposals, political documents in the Swedish parliament. The current public debate shows that the crime politics is an attractive question and the parties may seem to have similar proposals on how to lower the criminality in our society. The theory that has been used to describe the results of the study is “actors and structures” and the results are related to this theory as well as the theory has been used as an instrument to explain and sort the material and the results. The results of the study show that the parties are different in their views on criminality as a problem in our society. Socialdemokraterna has a structural view while Folkpartiet and Moderaterna have a actor-centered- view on criminality and crime politics. The results show that the parties have a different view of the source of criminality and this leads to different suggestions on which interventions that are desirable to reduce the criminality.

A Sociedade de Economia Mista (SEM) é um tipo societário sui generis que não tem merecido atenção especial nos estudos, principalmente nos que são relacionados com a Ciência Contábil. A particularidade de possuir aspectos públicos e particulares, função econômica e social e de estar intimamente atrelada aos aspectos políticos e partidários, pode aduzir que essas sociedades não necessitam apresentar níveis de qualidade da informação contábil compatíveis com os outros tipos societários, porém esse fato não pode prosperar, pois as SEM estão inseridas dentro do contexto empresarial brasileiro e devem evidenciar informações contábeis com qualidade e transparência, em conformidade com as melhores práticas contábeis. Entretanto a influência pública não pode ser dissociada deste tipo societário, especialmente pelo fato de que as SEM são consideradas como intermediárias para a execução de políticas sociais que, implementadas e/ou potencializadas em períodos eleitorais, alteram os seus resultados e os seus reflexos podem não ser evidenciados de forma adequada aos usuários externos. Nesse contexto, o objetivo desta tese é analisar se a qualidade da informação contábil evidenciada pelas SEM sofre influência dos períodos eleitorais, das ideologias político-partidárias e da forma com que o capital é constituído (aberto ou fechado), bem como, qual o nível de comparação com as Sociedades Anônimas Privadas. Para a consecução dos objetivos, foram avaliadas 141 Sociedades de Economia Mista durante o período de 1995 a 2014 em três constructos de qualidade da informação contábil (suavização dos resultados, persistência dos resultados e conservadorismo condicional), através de regressões em dados em painel (desbalanceado), regressões em corte transversal e teste Qui-Quadrado de Pearson, com a finalidade de evidenciar os resultados desses constructos, sob o enfoque de dois conceitos de lucro: Lucro Líquido (LL) e Lucro Operacional (LO). Os resultados indicam que a qualidade da informação contábil das SEM é alterada em anos eleitorais, apresentando redução do nível de Persistência (LL e LO) e aumento no Conservadorismo (LL). Em relação à ideologia político-partidária do órgão governamental controlador da SEM, os resultados demonstram que a esquerda apresenta maior nível de Suavização (LL) e a direita apresenta níveis de Conservadorismo (LL) e de Persistência (LL/LO) maiores; quando analisados apenas os anos eleitorais, não existe diferença entre as ideologias. Na análise entre as SEM de Capital Aberto e Fechado aufere-se que as Fechadas possuem maior Suavização (LL), menor Persistência (LO) e menor Conservadorismo (LL); em anos eleitorais as Fechadas apresentam Conservadorismo (LL) maior. Na comparação com as Sociedades Privadas, tanto para a totalidade do período analisado quanto apenas dos anos eleitorais, vislumbra-se que as SEM apresentam: maior Suavização (LL/LO), menor Persistência (LL/LO) e menor conservadorismo (LL). Com esses resultados é possível concluir que o nível da qualidade da informação contábil das SEM sofre alterações em razão dos anos eleitorais, da ideologia politica e do tipo empresarial, porém sem ser possível identificar se a alteração é para um nível maior ou menor de qualidade; já em relação à comparação com as Sociedades Privadas, é possível afirmar que as SEM possuem um nível de qualidade da informação contábil inferior, considerando os constructos adotados na pesquisa. / The State-Owned Company (SOC) is a sui generis type of company that has not deserved special attention in studies, especially those related to Accounting Science. The particularity of having public and private aspects, economic and social function and being intimately tied to political and party aspects may suggest that these societies do not need to present levels of quality of accounting information compatible with other societal types, however, this fact cannot prosper, because the SOC are inserted within the Brazilian business context and should evidence accounting information with quality and transparency, in accordance with the best accounting practices. However, public influence cannot be dissociated from this societal type, especially because SOCs are considered as intermediates for the implementation of social policies that, implemented and / or enhanced in electoral periods, alter their results and the reflexes may not be properly evidenced to external users. In this context, the purpose of this thesis is to analyze whether the quality of the accounting information evidenced by the SOC is influenced by electoral periods, political-partisan ideologies and the way in which capital is constituted (open or closed), and what level comparison with Private Corporation. In order to achieve the objectives, 141 State-Owned Companies were evaluated during the period from 1995 to 2014 in three constructs of quality accounting information (smoothing of results, persistence of results and conditional conservatism) through panel data regressions (unbalanced ), cross-sectional regressions, and Pearson\'s Chi-Square test, with the purpose of evidencing the results of these constructs, under the focus of two profit concepts: Net Profit (NP) and Operational Profit (OP). The results indicate that the quality of the accounting information of the SOCs is altered in electoral years, presenting a reduction in the level of Persistence (NP and OP) and an increase in Conservatism (NP). In relation to the political-party ideology of the governmental governing body of SOC, the results show that the left has a higher level of Smoothing (NP) and the right has higher levels of Conservatism (NP) and Persistence (NP/OP); when only electoral years are analyzed, there is no difference between ideologies. In the analysis between the Open and Closed Capital SOCs, the closed have a greater Smoothing (NP), lower Persistence (OP) and lower Conservatism (NP); in electoral years the Closed present Conservatism (NP) major. In the comparison with the Private Companies, both for the entire analyzed period and only for the electoral years, it is possible to observe that the SOCs have: greater Smoothing (NP / OP), lower Persistence (NP / OP) and lower conservatism (NP). With these results it is possible to conclude that the level of the quality of the accounting information of the SOC change due to electoral years, political ideology and business type, but is not possible to identify if the change is to a higher or lower level of quality; already in relation to the comparison with the Private Companies, it is possible to affirm that the SOCs have a level of quality of the lower accounting information, considering the constructs adopted in the research.

A Sociedade de Economia Mista (SEM) é um tipo societário sui generis que não tem merecido atenção especial nos estudos, principalmente nos que são relacionados com a Ciência Contábil. A particularidade de possuir aspectos públicos e particulares, função econômica e social e de estar intimamente atrelada aos aspectos políticos e partidários, pode aduzir que essas sociedades não necessitam apresentar níveis de qualidade da informação contábil compatíveis com os outros tipos societários, porém esse fato não pode prosperar, pois as SEM estão inseridas dentro do contexto empresarial brasileiro e devem evidenciar informações contábeis com qualidade e transparência, em conformidade com as melhores práticas contábeis. Entretanto a influência pública não pode ser dissociada deste tipo societário, especialmente pelo fato de que as SEM são consideradas como intermediárias para a execução de políticas sociais que, implementadas e/ou potencializadas em períodos eleitorais, alteram os seus resultados e os seus reflexos podem não ser evidenciados de forma adequada aos usuários externos. Nesse contexto, o objetivo desta tese é analisar se a qualidade da informação contábil evidenciada pelas SEM sofre influência dos períodos eleitorais, das ideologias político-partidárias e da forma com que o capital é constituído (aberto ou fechado), bem como, qual o nível de comparação com as Sociedades Anônimas Privadas. Para a consecução dos objetivos, foram avaliadas 141 Sociedades de Economia Mista durante o período de 1995 a 2014 em três constructos de qualidade da informação contábil (suavização dos resultados, persistência dos resultados e conservadorismo condicional), através de regressões em dados em painel (desbalanceado), regressões em corte transversal e teste Qui-Quadrado de Pearson, com a finalidade de evidenciar os resultados desses constructos, sob o enfoque de dois conceitos de lucro: Lucro Líquido (LL) e Lucro Operacional (LO). Os resultados indicam que a qualidade da informação contábil das SEM é alterada em anos eleitorais, apresentando redução do nível de Persistência (LL e LO) e aumento no Conservadorismo (LL). Em relação à ideologia político-partidária do órgão governamental controlador da SEM, os resultados demonstram que a esquerda apresenta maior nível de Suavização (LL) e a direita apresenta níveis de Conservadorismo (LL) e de Persistência (LL/LO) maiores; quando analisados apenas os anos eleitorais, não existe diferença entre as ideologias. Na análise entre as SEM de Capital Aberto e Fechado aufere-se que as Fechadas possuem maior Suavização (LL), menor Persistência (LO) e menor Conservadorismo (LL); em anos eleitorais as Fechadas apresentam Conservadorismo (LL) maior. Na comparação com as Sociedades Privadas, tanto para a totalidade do período analisado quanto apenas dos anos eleitorais, vislumbra-se que as SEM apresentam: maior Suavização (LL/LO), menor Persistência (LL/LO) e menor conservadorismo (LL). Com esses resultados é possível concluir que o nível da qualidade da informação contábil das SEM sofre alterações em razão dos anos eleitorais, da ideologia politica e do tipo empresarial, porém sem ser possível identificar se a alteração é para um nível maior ou menor de qualidade; já em relação à comparação com as Sociedades Privadas, é possível afirmar que as SEM possuem um nível de qualidade da informação contábil inferior, considerando os constructos adotados na pesquisa. / The State-Owned Company (SOC) is a sui generis type of company that has not deserved special attention in studies, especially those related to Accounting Science. The particularity of having public and private aspects, economic and social function and being intimately tied to political and party aspects may suggest that these societies do not need to present levels of quality of accounting information compatible with other societal types, however, this fact cannot prosper, because the SOC are inserted within the Brazilian business context and should evidence accounting information with quality and transparency, in accordance with the best accounting practices. However, public influence cannot be dissociated from this societal type, especially because SOCs are considered as intermediates for the implementation of social policies that, implemented and / or enhanced in electoral periods, alter their results and the reflexes may not be properly evidenced to external users. In this context, the purpose of this thesis is to analyze whether the quality of the accounting information evidenced by the SOC is influenced by electoral periods, political-partisan ideologies and the way in which capital is constituted (open or closed), and what level comparison with Private Corporation. In order to achieve the objectives, 141 State-Owned Companies were evaluated during the period from 1995 to 2014 in three constructs of quality accounting information (smoothing of results, persistence of results and conditional conservatism) through panel data regressions (unbalanced ), cross-sectional regressions, and Pearson\'s Chi-Square test, with the purpose of evidencing the results of these constructs, under the focus of two profit concepts: Net Profit (NP) and Operational Profit (OP). The results indicate that the quality of the accounting information of the SOCs is altered in electoral years, presenting a reduction in the level of Persistence (NP and OP) and an increase in Conservatism (NP). In relation to the political-party ideology of the governmental governing body of SOC, the results show that the left has a higher level of Smoothing (NP) and the right has higher levels of Conservatism (NP) and Persistence (NP/OP); when only electoral years are analyzed, there is no difference between ideologies. In the analysis between the Open and Closed Capital SOCs, the closed have a greater Smoothing (NP), lower Persistence (OP) and lower Conservatism (NP); in electoral years the Closed present Conservatism (NP) major. In the comparison with the Private Companies, both for the entire analyzed period and only for the electoral years, it is possible to observe that the SOCs have: greater Smoothing (NP / OP), lower Persistence (NP / OP) and lower conservatism (NP). With these results it is possible to conclude that the level of the quality of the accounting information of the SOC change due to electoral years, political ideology and business type, but is not possible to identify if the change is to a higher or lower level of quality; already in relation to the comparison with the Private Companies, it is possible to affirm that the SOCs have a level of quality of the lower accounting information, considering the constructs adopted in the research.

В работе исследовано влияние контента сети интернет и социальных сетей на формирование радикальных политических и экстремистских взглядов российской молодежи. В результате проведенного анкетирования были выявлены источники информации и механизмы воздействия на потребителя. На основании результатов исследования разработаны механизмы комплексного противодействия влиянию негативной информационной среды на формирование радикальных и экстремистских взглядов российской молодежи. / The paper studies the influence of Internet content and social networks on the formation of rad-ical political and extremist views of the Russian youth. As a result of the survey, sources of information and mechanisms for influencing the consumer were identified. Based on the results of the study, mechanisms have been developed to counter the impact of the negative information environment on the formation of radical and extremist views of the Russian youth.

The terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 transformed the way in which Americans and their leaders viewed the world. The tragic events of that day helped give rise to a foreign policy strategy commonly referred to as the “Bush Doctrine.” At the heart of this doctrine lay a series of propositions about the need to foster liberal democracy as the antidote to terrorism. President George W. Bush proclaimed in a variety of addresses that democracy now represented the “single surviving model” of political life to which all people aspired. In the course of making this argument, President Bush seemed to relate his policies to an overarching “teleology” of progress. This discourse implied that the United States might use force to hasten the emergence of liberal norms and institutions in selected states. With a sense of irony, some commentators soon referred to the Bush administration’s position as “Leninist” because of its determination to bring about the so-called “end of history” today. Yet, surprisingly, these critics had little more to add. This thesis is an attempt to assess in greater depth the Bush administration’s claim to comprehend historical eschatology. Developing a concept termed “democratic vanguardism,” this study investigates the idea of liberal modernity, the role of the United States as a force for democracy, and the implications of using military intervention in the service of idealistic ends. It examines disputes among political theorists, public intellectuals and elected statesmen which help to enrich our understanding of the United States’ efforts under President Bush at bending history to its will.

Vergil’s Georgics was published in 29 BCE, at a critical point in the political life of Octavian-Augustus. Although his position at the head of state had been confirmed by victory at Actium in 31, his longevity was threatened by his reputation for causing bloodshed during the civil wars. This thesis argues that Vergil, in the Georgics, presents a defence of Octavian against criticism of his past, in order to safeguard his future, and the future of Rome. Through a complex of metaphor and allusion, Vergil engages with the weaknesses in Octavian’s public image in order to diminish their damaging impact. Chapter One examines the way in which the poet invokes and complements the literary tradition of portraying young men as destructive, amorous creatures, through his depiction of iuvenes in the Georgics, in order to emphasise the inevitability of youthful misbehaviour. Since Octavian is still explicitly a iuvenis, he cannot be held accountable for his actions up to this point, including his role in the civil wars. The focus of Chapters Two and Three of this thesis is Vergil’s presentation of the spring season in the Georgics. Vergil’s preoccupation with spring is unorthodox in the context of agricultural didactic; under the influence of the Lucretian figure of Venus, Vergil moulds spring into a symbol of universal creation in nature, a metaphor for a projected revival of Roman affairs under Octavian’s leadership which would subsequently dominate the visual art of the Augustan period. Vergil’s spring is as concerned with the past as it is the future. Vergil stresses the fact that destructive activity can take place in spring, in the form of storms and animal violence; the farmer’s spring labor is characterised as a war against nature, which culminates in the horrific slaughter of oxen demanded by bugonia. In each case destruction is revealed as a necessary prerequisite for some form of creation: animal reproduction, increased crop yield, a renewed population of bees. Thus, the spring creation of a new Rome under Octavian will come as a direct result of the bloodshed of the civil wars, a cataclysm whose horrors are not denied, but whose outcome will ultimately be positive. Octavian is assimilated to Jupiter in his Stoic guise: a providential figure who sends fire and flood to Earth in order to improve mankind.