Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2009. / Title from first page of PDF file (viewed July 14, 2009). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 298-316).

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The role of a political leader often is associated with the emotional attributes of a man, and there is empirical evidence that media coverage reinforces culture-specific emotion display rules for politicians. Feminist communication scholarship also has shown the gendered assumptions manifest in mediated discourses. This dissertation explores the relationship between gender, culture and candidates’ emotionality by examining and comparing news media coverage of the emotional management of Chile’s Michelle Bachelet and the United States’ Hillary Clinton, two female candidates with a viable bid for the presidency in their respective countries. Using a discourse analysis of 1,676 items from national newspapers, news magazines and television newscasts, this study found that cultural differences influence the discursive constructions of these women candidates’ emotionality. In the case of Bachelet, she was deemed as a soft, empathic and ultimately “feminine” candidate who needed to toughen up to convey authority and convince voters that she had the skills, in addition to the charm, to lead a country. In the case of Clinton, she was described mainly as a cold and unsympathetic contender, an unwomanly woman with too much ambition to be likable, and who was portrayed either as fake or frail when being more emotionally open. These mediated discourses suggest the media favored determined understandings for a woman’s place and role, reinforcing socially-shared and culturally-bound meanings about gendered identities. Informed by a feminist theoretical framework, the discussion addresses how these mediated discourses on Bachelet and Clinton illustrate the power of culturally-sanctioned sexism in Chile and the United States to make of gender a restrictive force that keeps women out of the realms of politics and policy. / text

Despite the relative successes of the post-apartheid South African Government, government’s failure to adequately deliver basic services has led to recent national public unrest over the problem of poor service delivery. The aim of this study was to investigate satisfaction level pertaining the service delivery in Matjhabeng Local Municipality. Municipalities are mandated by the Constitution to provide basic services to its community such as potable water supply, electricity, refuse collection roads and sanitation. The analysis is mainly on the basis of service delivery experienced in different areas such as formal and informal townships, study amongst municipal employees, as well as middle and high suburb areas within Matjhabeng LM. The realistic evidence has revealed that communities are unhappy because of, among other things, the cadre deployment to the municipality, the poor service delivery, corrupt councillors, uncommitted employees, communication between municipality and its residents and interference of politicians which have impacted negatively on service delivery. The results showed that although many respondents are unhappy with the basic services besides the municipality making an effort to provide basic services. Furthermore, it is evident from the results that while being unhappy with services more than residents who receive monthly bills are willing to pay for services rendered. / MBA, North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2015

Despite the relative successes of the post-apartheid South African Government, government’s failure to adequately deliver basic services has led to recent national public unrest over the problem of poor service delivery. The aim of this study was to investigate satisfaction level pertaining the service delivery in Matjhabeng Local Municipality. Municipalities are mandated by the Constitution to provide basic services to its community such as potable water supply, electricity, refuse collection roads and sanitation. The analysis is mainly on the basis of service delivery experienced in different areas such as formal and informal townships, study amongst municipal employees, as well as middle and high suburb areas within Matjhabeng LM. The realistic evidence has revealed that communities are unhappy because of, among other things, the cadre deployment to the municipality, the poor service delivery, corrupt councillors, uncommitted employees, communication between municipality and its residents and interference of politicians which have impacted negatively on service delivery. The results showed that although many respondents are unhappy with the basic services besides the municipality making an effort to provide basic services. Furthermore, it is evident from the results that while being unhappy with services more than residents who receive monthly bills are willing to pay for services rendered. / MBA, North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2015

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<p>The aim of this paper is to describe, visualise- and analyse media’s discursive representations of female politicians in Swedish printed media. The focus of the analysis is to show if, and how these images can be understood and interpreted in terms of a socially constructed gender stereotyped suborder. </p><p>The paper takes it's theoretical and methodological departure in the discourse analysis, which is combined with feminist political theory. Feminist political theory is concretised in the use of what Yvonne Hirdman calls the "gender system" which arranges the sexes into their respective genders and is based upon two rules/principles/logics: 1) the rule of distinctive separation, and 2) the male norm. Closely related to the aim of the paper lies also the critical theoretic assumption that people has to be aware of their own part in the production and reproduction of the discourse in order to change make a change. Language is perceived as intimately tied to power in that language defines and gives the reality meaning. Media is therefore, by it's presence in all Swedish homes perceived as channel for the exercise of power through it's discourse.</p><p>Drawing on 20 articles from different newspapers and magazines, the results of this paper shows, through the use of discourse analysis, that female politicians are portrayed as politicians and women. The analysis concludes that media's image of the female politician rests on gender stereotypes which as a consequent reduces the female politician to her biological gender and therefore gives her, in comparison with her male counterpart a lower hierarchic position.</p>

My dissertation examines how political institutions -- such as dual mandates, committee systems, and political associations -- impact the level and timing of party consolidation in a new democracy, as well as incentivize the behavior of elite politicians. I explore this through an intensive, data-driven analysis of the French Third Republic (1870-1940), during its formative years of its democratization. I trace the evolution of French political development across three papers. I first begin in the electorate, by looking at how a lack of ``bottom-up" electoral pressures slowed early political competition in France, and use an exogenous shock to population to demonstrate how urbanization affected local races and the creation of the first political associations in 1901. I then link the electorate with the legislature by examining how an institution meant to connect local and national politics -- cumul des mandats, or the ability to hold two offices -- had a negative effect on party development. Finally, I look at how the legislative organization of the committee system affected the career trajectories of politicians, in the absence of party institutions. In sum, this research contributes to a growing microfoundations literature that argues the geographic distribution of voters and the incentives of political elites are crucial but understudied factors in key episodes of early institution building in new democracies.

Personal website is a new political communication channel of politicians in recent years. Websites can be politicians¡¦ personal media because of distinguishing features of unlimited space and hypermedia. Politicians present various kinds of information, political opinion and great self-image in their personal websites. This interactive media also provides the interaction between politicians and citizens. This thesis mainly uses content analysis to discover how 4th-term legislators present themselves in WWW as well as their websites¡¦ functionality and design. Then it also uses Web-based questionnaire to understand the usage and utility of websites¡¦ feedback mechanisms. The conclusions are as followed: (1) The DPP legislators are the most likely ones when it comes to establishing personal websites among the lawmakers. Although KMT has more than half shares in the Legislative Yuan, they have less than fifty percent of share in those who create their own personal websites. However, judging from the percentage of those who have websites in regard to their own party, the TAIP and New Party legislators, with more than fifty percent of them creating their own sites, are the most willing ones. (2) The research validates that politicians are experts of self-presentation. There are 70% of legislators using one or more self presentation strategies in their website and presenting various kinds of images in front of citizens. Self-promotion and ingratiation strategies are utilized the most. In addition, female legislators use more ingratiation strategies and present more professional image than male legislators. (3) There are 80% of legislators using at least one or more feedback mechanisms in their websites. It shows most of legislators realize the significance of their interaction with Internet users. But further analysis reveals that they didn¡¦t try to use the advantages brought from the Internet-based interaction, as there are nearly 40% of their websites having only one feedback mechanism. (4) Internet users think that the most important functions of legislators¡¦ websites are feedback mechanisms such as email, guest book and discussion group, etc. But these websites aren¡¦t doing a good job in providing feedbacks to their supporters. Judging from the evidence of users¡¦ usage of email boxes and services of petition, those who have never received a reply from the websites are the majority, which means that while the legislators¡¦ websites provide a space for public disclosure, there¡¦s much room to be desired when it comes to the legislators¡¦ and their staffs¡¦ regards to the public opinion.