Bibliography: leaves 436-444. / This is a church historical study and critical theological analysis of the Partners in Mission (PIM) process in the Church of the Province of Southern Africa (CPSA), which uses methods appropriate to such a study. Chapter 1 examines the background against which the PIM process and CPSA's PIM 'Vision' must be seen: Anglicanism, its origins, intentions and mission - and the tension between Anglican identity and contemporary relevance. Chapter 2 traces the process of renewal which has been described as the Anglican Communion's 'coming of age', and identifies some of the themes which were later to become 'The Vision'. The Anglican PIM process emerged out of the church's efforts to adjust to the rapidly changing post-colonial world of the nineteen-fifties and sixties, when Anglican provinces within newly-independent nations could no longer be regarded as inferior to and dependent on the Church of England. A watershed in this quest was the Anglican Congress in Toronto in 1963, when for the first time the equal partnership was articulated in the statement Mutual Responsibility and Interdependence in the Body of Christ (MRI). MRI became a Communion-wide programme which evolved into the PIM process, and together they constitute the Anglican Church's programme of contemporary reform and renewal. The CPSA is a full participant in this PIM process and has held three PIM Consultations, the third of which took place in November 1987 when the church was given the vision to engage in the struggle for the eradication of apartheid and the building of new societies of justice and peace in southern Africa. .In Chapter 3 we examine the Provincial 1987 Consultation, the process which led up to it and the making of The Vision. In Chapter 4 we examine publications and records of the CPSA and correspondence with the Bishops of the Province which describe the implementation of The Vision in the life of the CPSA and its contribution to the church's mission. Chapter 5 is a critical evaluation of the CPSA's PIM process, based on the evidence of the previous chapter. Our conclusion is that The Vision has been only partially implemented because of the church's persistent failure to transform words into actions, poor communication, the failure to focus on priorities, a lack of resources, traditionalism and clericalism in the CPSA, the fear of loss of identity, and a spiritual crisis - much of which points to a lack of appropriate leadership. The consequences of ineffective implementation include the failure of the CPSA as a whole to engage relevantly with the crisis in southern Africa, to express appropriate penitence and make restitution for its part in the sin of apartheid, and to engage in effective evangelism. Chapter 6 is an attempt to see how the CPSA could be renewed by means of a revitalised PIM process, in order to be relevant in southern Africa today. We explore a possible pastoral plan and ways in which the CPSA would benefit from engaging more fully in the 'Kairos' process. The CPSA will contribute to the life and future direction of the Anglican Communion insofar as it is true to its ecumenical calling to witness to the kingdom of God as a part of the church in southern Africa, and the Communion will best serve its members and enable them to discover their true identity by setting them free to be faithful to their mission in their various contexts. Throughout this study we have used primary source documents from the Anglican Communion and the CPSA which tell of the birth, progress an implementation of MRI, PIM and The Vision.

In his monograph, Sir Thomas Fuller divides Rhodes's public policy under three heads - the expansion of the Cape Colony; the federation, or, as it was frequently called, the union of South African States; and the Government of the Cape Colony itself when he became its Premier. Any such divisions are of course merely arbitrary, and merely made for the sake of convenience, for it is obvious that these aspects of his policy were closely inter-related, and, in fact, inter-dependent. For this reason, it is all the more to be regretted that in the Imperialistic fervour which hallows the memory of Rhodes abodes the Empire-builder, or at the other extreme, in the severe condemnation of the Rhodes of the Jameson Raid, the significance of his work as Prime Minister of the Cape Colony is under-estimated or over- looked altogether. The Colony provided the base for his operations in the wider field of South African politics. Without its support, there could have been no Northern development, and in his scheme of South African unity, he believed it the Colony's destiny to play the leading role. Thus during his Premiership, the Franchise changes were introduced as a step towards a common South African Native policy; the Glen Grey Bill was a "Native Bill for Africa"; in regard to railways and customs, the ultimate aim was amalgamation and free trade in South African products as a prelude to political unity. Above all, it was a period of close co-operation between the two sections of the European population in the Colony itself, and it is this aspect of Rhodes's administration with which this thesis is primarily concerned. It has also been necessary to deal at some length with his earlier activities to show how this co-operation became possible, and to trace its effect upon the general trend of his policy after 1890.

Bibliography: leaves 319-329. / Heelwat is al geskryf oor die kenmerke en gevolge van die Nasionale regering se apartheidsbeleid wat sedert 1948 sy beslag in Suid-Afrika gekry het, veral m.b.t. hoe dit Swartmense raak en steeds raak. In die laaste jare het ook meer publikasies verskyn oor hoe die beleid twee minderheidsgroepe in Suid-Afrika, die Kleurlinge en die Indiers, raak. Min aandag is egter al gegee aan die dryfvere of beweegredes agter die toepassing van die beleid van apartheid en die argumente wat gevoer is om besluitnemers te beinvloed in die besluite wat hulle geneem het. Die Burger het deur die jare 'n reputasie ontwikkel as die Afrikaanse koerant wat eerstens die meeste lewenskragtigheid toon en tweedens 'n vorm van deurdagte kommentaar oor politieke gebeure lewer wat dikwels dieselfde is as die wat in regerings-kringe gehuldig word. In 'n tyd wat min publikasies of instansies apartheid sou verdedig, het Die Burger hand aan hand met die Nasionale regering voortgegaan om dit te doen, maar terselfdertyd kriewelrigheid oor sekere aspekte van die beleid in meerdere of mindere mate openbaar. Desondanks sy verdediging van apartheid, het die koerant in die vyftiger- en sestigerjare die reputasie ontwikkel as 'n meer gematigde of 'verligte' ondersteuner van die Nasionale regering en ook daarin geslaag om wereldwyd hoog aangeskrewe te word in joernalistieke kringe. Die verwydering van die Kleurlingkiesers van die gemeenskaplike lys in die vyftigerjare word algemeen beoordeel as 'n negatiewe daad wat die Nasionale saak skade aangedoen het - 'n mening wat ook al in hoe Nasionale kringe geopper is. Om 'n goeie insig in die problematiek van die tyd te kry, is dit belangrik om ook die menings te bepaal van die koerant wat waarskynlik 'n reuse-rol gespeel het om die besluitnemers te beinvloed in die besluite wat hulle oor die Kleurlingstem en die konstitusionele stryd van die vyftigerjare geneem het. Die dryfvere of logika (indien enige) agter die Nasionale optrede kan 'n groot rol speel vir 'n beter verstandhouding van die era. Apartheid word vandag feitlik universieel veroordeel weens 'n verskeidenheid van redes wat reeds goed gedokumenteer is. Min aandag is egter al gegee aan wat mense beweeg het om die beleid toe te pas en dit steeds op 'n afgewaterde wyse toe te pas. Die kommentaar en optrede van Die Burger gee 'n goeie insig in wat die dryfvere was agter die verwydering van die Kleurlingkiesers van die gemeenskaplike lys. Dit blyk bv. dat die optrede nie net gemotiveer is deur naakte rassisme nie, maar dat faktore soos Nasionalisme en 'n bedreigings-persepsie 'n ewe groot rol gespeel het. Met hierdie werkstuk is dan hoofsaaklik gepoog om 'n lyn te probeer trek en die logika (indien enige) te probeer vasstel tussen Die Burger se propagering van die verwydering van die Kleurlinge van die gemeenskaplike lys in 1956 (In effek 'n vermindering van regte) tot die beroep vier jaar later op die Nasionale regering vir die oorweging van 'n beleld van reg-streekse verteenwoordiging van Kleurlinge deur Kleurlinge in die Parlement (In effek 'n vergroting van politieke regte). Dit is gedoen teen die agtergrond van N.P. Van Wyk Louw se denke, wat veral die destydse redakteur van Die Burger, mmr. P.J. Cillie, grootliks beinvloed het, dat kritiek deur lede van 'n klein en bedreigde volk op optrede van die leiers van die klein volk vanuit die lojale binnekring gedoen moet word.

The period with which this thesis is concerned is one of vital importance in the history of the old Cape Colony and also of very real significance in the past and future development of the Union of South Africa. It was during this period that the Cape Colony made the tremendous decision to unite with the other South African colonies, and the results of that decision are still with us today, and some, indeed, have not been fully worked out even yet. It was the bad fortune of the Cape Colony to enter Union at a time when she was slowly recovering from the effects of a severe depression. At the time of Union, the Colony had barely become solvent and this financial weakness had placed her in an extremely invidious position during the National Convention. Then too at the meetings of that body she lacked the services of two of her most able politicians, J.H. Hofmeyr and W.P. Schreiner. There are a fair number of secondary works which handle this period. The biographies of the two men mentioned above are examples. But no secondary work has dealt with the period as a subject in itself. It has always been related to a personality, and most of the secondary works are clouded by continual references of a personal nature, which make it extremely difficult for form a clear-cut impartial picture of the period. It is hoped that this thesis may in some small way supply that need. As this thesis is concerned purely with politics in the Cape Colony, no attempt has been made to give a comprehensive description of Merriman's administration or of the work of individual Government departments. For this reason press reports, private papers and biographies have been used, rather than official documents. The latter have, of course, been used to provide statistical information where such proved necessary.

his project adopts a coherent framework developed to enable assessment of the performance of the press in upholding democracy. The framework was developed by Pippa Norris for a developed world context, but proved by this project to be equally applicable in the developing world context of South Africa. The main functions of the press in relation to elections for public office are deemed to be facilitating pluralistic competition, public participation and the protection of civil liberties and political rights. The main research method employed in this project is content analysis; applied to press coverage of the election of 2004, but the results are correlated through interviews subjected to narrative analysis. The sample for the study includes a wide range of newspapers, from catch-all publications to publications with more segmented readerships and from provincial to national circulation newspapers. Despite the differences in the profiles of the various newspapers, the cross-title press election coverage in the case of the 2004 South African general election was internally very similar indeed. All publications covered the African National Congress more than the other parties and all gave the ANC much more parity between positive and negative coverage than the other parties. The Democratic Alliance and the Inkatha Freedom Party received a negative slant in the coverage over all. The Independent Democrats experienced the opposite. The publications had different directional bias in their editorial coverage to the one presented in the letters to the editor. The publications gave similar amounts of practical information to voters and only to a very small degree did they explicitly encourage people to get directly involved in the electoral context, for example by casting their ballot. All publications focused strategically on the electoral context and all allowed a few dominating themes to run through their coverage. The press carried a relatively small number of watchdog-category articles. While the benchmarks in the framework employed proved very useful indeed in uncovering characteristics of the election coverage provided by the press, uncovering determining factors behind the coverage was not an aim of this study, even though theoretical perspectives on some of the background to the coverage are discussed. Given that this is, to the best knowledge of the author, the first application of the employed framework to a specific case of media coverage, the results are just that, a first set ofbenchmarks. Only future research can determine if the results obtained here indicate that the press did well, or badly, in upholding their role in democracy when covering the 2004 general election in South Africa. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2004.

Bibliography.

A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Arts in fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in the Department of History, Faculty of Arts at the University of Zululand, 2018. / The aim of the study is to address the inappropriate application of European concepts onto distinctly African societies. The purpose of this dissertation is twofold. Firstly, to clearly establish that the concepts of Zulu tribe and Zulu nation are not only different but also represent different epochs in the history of the Zulu people. The notions Zulu tribe and Zulu nation have interchangeably been used to refer to the same group of people. Secondly, to discuss how the concepts were used to manipulate the populace of Zulu extraction to gain advantage in the national politics of South Africa. As Europeans expanded their trade, settlement and military domination around the world. They began trying to figure out the different forms of society and culture they encountered, including writing their history. For many people in Western countries, the subject of Africa immediately called up the word ‘tribe’. The Zulu in Southeast Africa did not escape the calling. The notions Zulu tribe and Zulu nations have interchangeably been used to refer to the same group of people - the ‘Zulu’. This study delves deep into the notions and analyse how they have been used differently. The study clearly establishes that the notions Zulu tribe and Zulu nation are not only different but also represent different epochs in the history of the Zulu people. It argues that King Shaka kaSenzangakhona used his spear to embroider together a diverse collection of tribes and clans into one might cultural quilt. The study discloses that beside its colonial imposition, the term tribe does not describe the Zulu people. The term Zulu nation appropriately describes the existing Zulu nation. It argues that when Shaka united his energy in 1816 to 1828, the resultant amalgamation of the few tribes constituted the current Zulu nation. Relying on a qualitative methodology, the study uses the principle of saturation to interview participants; it also relies on archival records in addition to current literature on the phenomenon. The study argues that the notions Zulu tribe and Zulu nation were used by different people for different purposes and effects. Findings have shown that the Zulu history was also used by colonists, missionaries, the leaders of the African petty bourgeoisie, the Zulu royal family and individual novelists to serve their own ends. Such people have had their own reasons to manipulate the concepts for their advantage. The study discusses that King Shaka became a potent symbol around which potential Zulu ethnic support was mobilized. After him many colonists, missionaries, leaders of the African petty bourgeoisie, the Zulu royal family members and individual novelists have manipulated the Zulu nation to serve their personal ends. South Africa turned to be a country in which the manipulation of ethnicity was at the heart of the government’s attempts to set up control over the majority of the African population. The study concludes with a clarion call that people should stop using ethnic support for their political aggrandizement. The politicization of ethnic differences can have deep effects on whether members of different groups perceive each other as friends or foes. This does not bring about unity, but it in all cases causes division within people. This has resultant violence in KwaZulu-Natal today. / National Research Foundation

<p>In this study, I examine how women Parliamentarians understand their political influence within the South African Parliament and what environmental factors contribute to this understanding. Currently, South Africa is a global leader for the amount of women in Parliament and has been since the 1994 democratic transition. This study examines the formal and informal factors that South African women parliamentarians discuss as helping and hindering their political effectiveness.</p> <p><br /> Aside from the work of Hassim (2003) and Pandor (1999), little academic research explores the experiences of women within South Africa&rsquo / s Parliament. Considering this lack of research regarding women&rsquo / s experiences within government, I selected a research method that would allow an open space for communication: semi-structured interviews with a qualitative feminist analysis. This study explores the opportunities and obstacles that the women perceived as affecting their political influence.<br /> The participant&rsquo / s responses indicate that they perceive a high level of political influence, with some reservations. Four themes emerged as the leading environmental factors in contributing to the participant&rsquo / s political efficacy: the 1994 democratic transition, the Parliament structure (formal and informal), the political party, and the role of gender.</p> <p><br /> The informal structures of Parliament, such as socializing spaces, and gender stereotypes, such as the responsibility of women Parliamentarians for &lsquo / women&rsquo / s issues&rsquo / , were discussed as the primary obstacles that hinder the women Parliamentarian&rsquo / s political influence.</p> <p><br /> The participants felt that the attitudes of political parties regarding women&rsquo / s role in Parliament was critical in facilitating their influence on the political agenda. The women Parliamentarians credited primarily the African National Congress (ANC) political party for framing and developing an atmosphere that mandated women&rsquo / s strong participation in government and their positive perceptions of political influence.</p>

Since the end of apartheid, issues pertaining to South African identity construction have attracted increased scholarly attention. This is reflected in a growing body of literature in several disciplines that analyze identities in post-apartheid South Africa. At the same time, a number of factors led to an equally increasing interest in Islamic and Muslim politics. However, the interest remains to a great extent concerned with the history of Islam in Africa, with very little attention paid to contemporary Muslim politics in its broader sense or indeed what this means in the South African context. This thesis, about Muslims’ identities in South Africa, aims to merge these two fields of identities in-formation and Muslim politics. In an attempt to unpack identity discourses within the Muslim community in South Africa, the study will address three main questions: How are Muslims’ identities formulated? How do they relate to each other? And how do they develop in different contexts? In order to answer the aforementioned questions the thesis will focus on how religious identities intersect with other levels of identification mainly national, ethnic and political identities. By answering the broader questions about identity construction processes, the thesis is able to address several other more specific questions. For example, what kind of interplay exists between the different identities such as those that are religious, ethnic, socio-economic or political? What does this interplay suggest in terms of the hierarchy of identities in different contexts? Instead of using identity as an analytical category, the thesis adopts the term ‘identification’, which reflects both the processes according to which identities are formulated as well as the context contingent nature of identities. After analyzing the theoretical and conceptual underpinnings of identity construction, the rest of the thesis discusses the extent to which Islam has informed Muslims’ identities at three separate, yet intersected and connected, levels. At the political identity level, I argue that religious identity has relatively little bearing on the articulation of Muslims’ political identities in post-apartheid South Africa, by comparison with the apartheid era when political activism of Muslims was heavily charged by Islamic ethos and principles. I also argue that the stance adopted by Islamic religious bodies in the anti-apartheid struggle undermined their influence within the Muslim community to a great extent as far as political identities are concerned. In other contexts however, religious bodies enjoy a more prominent role; that is particularly evident in negotiating Muslims’ rights regarding Muslim Personal Law, which is highlighted as a case in point to show how citizenship, and thus national identity, is intertwined with religious identity. At a third and final level, ethnic identities within the Muslim community are examined through the inter-community relations, which reveal that racial and ethnic identification is best understood through both cultural as well as structural approaches.

<p>In this study, I examine how women Parliamentarians understand their political influence within the South African Parliament and what environmental factors contribute to this understanding. Currently, South Africa is a global leader for the amount of women in Parliament and has been since the 1994 democratic transition. This study examines the formal and informal factors that South African women parliamentarians discuss as helping and hindering their political effectiveness.</p> <p><br /> Aside from the work of Hassim (2003) and Pandor (1999), little academic research explores the experiences of women within South Africa&rsquo / s Parliament. Considering this lack of research regarding women&rsquo / s experiences within government, I selected a research method that would allow an open space for communication: semi-structured interviews with a qualitative feminist analysis. This study explores the opportunities and obstacles that the women perceived as affecting their political influence.<br /> The participant&rsquo / s responses indicate that they perceive a high level of political influence, with some reservations. Four themes emerged as the leading environmental factors in contributing to the participant&rsquo / s political efficacy: the 1994 democratic transition, the Parliament structure (formal and informal), the political party, and the role of gender.</p> <p><br /> The informal structures of Parliament, such as socializing spaces, and gender stereotypes, such as the responsibility of women Parliamentarians for &lsquo / women&rsquo / s issues&rsquo / , were discussed as the primary obstacles that hinder the women Parliamentarian&rsquo / s political influence.</p> <p><br /> The participants felt that the attitudes of political parties regarding women&rsquo / s role in Parliament was critical in facilitating their influence on the political agenda. The women Parliamentarians credited primarily the African National Congress (ANC) political party for framing and developing an atmosphere that mandated women&rsquo / s strong participation in government and their positive perceptions of political influence.</p>