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Interaction between South Africa's government policy and the Nederduitse Gereformeerde Kerk's mission policy from 1948 tot 1954 were analysed. This interaction proved simbiotic. To meet black people's needs - seen as disrupted through straying from their ancestry - and to prove the credibility of apartheid, government appointed the Tomlinson Commission. They found christian mission to do wonders towards changing black people's so called attitude of obstinacy and therefore proposed a vital role to christian mission in realization of the Bantu Development Programme. Thus government and church became team members defining christian mission as answering to a Godly call to custodianship over black people seen as of a lesser race. Custodianship ends when black people reached a stage of self sufficiency. Meantime church members were challenged to bring offerings of missionary acts. This call resulted in missionary involvement of many church members and stirred a missiological revival in the N G Church. / Interaksie tussen Suid-A:frikaanse staatsbeleid en Nederduitse Gereformeerde Kerk-sendingbeleid tussen 1948 en 1954 is geanaliseer. Hierdie interaksie is simbioties bevind. Om swartmense - gesien as ontwrig weens vervreemding van hulle afstamming - se behoeftes aan te spreek asook die kredietwaardigheid van apartheid te bewys, benoem die owerheid die Tomlinsonkommissie. Hulle bevind christelike sending doen wonders om swartmense se sogenaamde onwil te verander en verleen daarom aan christelike sending 'n sleutelrol in die Bantoegebiede-ontwikkelingsgprogram. Sodoende word kerk en staat spanmaats en word sending gedefinieer as 'n Godgegewe roeping tot voogdyskap oor swartmense wat as 'n mindere ras gesien is. V oogdyskap eindig wanneer swartmense selfstandigheid bereik het. Tussentyd word lid.mate opgeroep tot sendingofferdade. Hierdie oproep het tot grootskaalse sendingbetrokkenheid en sendingherlewing in die N G Kerk gelei. / Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology / Th. M. (Sendingwetenskap)

D.Litt et Phil. (Semitic Languages and Cultures) / This thesis is an examination of “interfaith praxis” in the South African struggle for liberation, with particular emphasis on Muslim-Christian relations. We begin with an overview of the epistemological and theological contribution of “praxis” in European and subaltern contexts of liberation theology as well as the key dynamics of representation, conditionality and transformative activism in the history of Muslim-Christian relations. We then analyze and contrast “two histories” of Muslim-Christian relations in South Africa: one of Orientalism and the other of interfaith praxis. Through a close examination of two organizations - the Call of Islam (est. 1984) and the South African Chapter of the World Conference on Religion and Peace (est. 1984) - we argue that interfaith praxis changed how Muslims and Christians in the struggle approached interfaith dialogue and theological reflections on the religious other. It was this interfaith praxis that contributed to the importance of religious pluralism in contemporary South Africa. Following through from the history and reflections on interfaith praxis, we suggest here the possibility for a new framework for Muslim-Christian relations called a Liberatio-Political Framework.

My duty and aim in the writing of the thesis was neither based on scholarship nor on the fluttering of the dove coates of theological orthodoxy, but on the interpretation of the austere nature of the life of black people under the Nationalist Party rule of Apartheid. My duty, therefore, is that of an interpreter of the situation. There is nothing academic about apartheid. What is there is the monstrous evil perpetuated through the genius of the Afrikaner-Broederbond and the Afrikaans Churches and to a lesser extent by the liberal white community within the confines of South Africa (Introduction, p. vii)

In 1997 the national Department of Education embarked on a programme of rationalisation to reduce the number of colleges in the country and to simultaneously integrate colleges into the Higher Education sector. This is a case study of the incorporation of a college of education, the South African College for Teacher Education, into a university, the University of South Africa. The focus of this study is the nature and consequences of micropolitics in the education change environment. It suggests that micropolitics plays a significant role in the outcomes of an education policy implementation process. It further argues that in order to understand the role and effects of micropolitics in education change, a theory for micropolitics and education change needs to be developed. The theory posited here is that micropolitical activity is an essentialising of the tensions between modernist contexts and mentalities of change, and postmodernist ambitions of change. The study is guided by two research questions: What are the different understandings among different groups and individuals as to why incorporation emerged and was pursued as government policy? and How did different stakeholders influence and shape the incorporation process and outcomes? The literature review indicates that there are important gaps in the understanding and explication of micropolitics and education. A marked inadequacy of the literature examined is that the study of micorpolitics has thus far been limited to studies of the school environment in developing countries and of leadership within such environments. The methodology used in the study recognises the value of a constructivist, interpretive approach to data analysis and narrative development. In particular, the methodology addresses questions of truth and ethics in conducting qualitative research. / Thesis (PhD (Education Policy Studies))--University of Pretoria, 2006. / Education Management and Policy Studies / unrestricted

This research study investigates Lotus FM, as one of many South African Media components that are catering for one specific cultural or religious group. The investigation explores the implications of practice of a pecific media component that caters for specific cultural or religious groups operating in a post-apartheid South Africa. After the end of the apartheid era in South Africa, a number of South African media components have proclaimed their commitment to reconciliation and nation building within South Africa by attempting to unite audiences. The South African Broadcasting Corporation, which held the monopoly on South African Broadcasting for decades, has promulgated the notion of the rainbow nation to audiences in South Africa. Since 1994, sub-components of the different South African media segments were developed to cater for specific ethnic or cultural groups by the station managements. This was aimed at reversing the effects of pre-1994 media that catered for the former ruling minority only or ethnic groups that were categorized by the former political dispensation. It is possible, however, that this has resulted in a renewed and continued separation of interest groups present in South Africa today.

This thesis considers the impact which the Protection of State Information Bill will have on media freedom in South Africa. During apartheid, draconian laws prevented the media from reporting freely, and newspapers as well as the broadcast media were heavily censored. When the country became a democracy in 1994, the political grip on the media faded, and a new era of press freedom began. However, the Protection of State Information Bill is seen as a direct threat to that freedom. The Bill, also known as the Secrecy Bill, will classify state-related information and censor the media who make public or are found to be in possession of, classified information. For journalists this means that the way in which they report and what they report will be severely restricted. The Bill will also impact on the willingness of whistleblowers to come to the fore. This study looks at the importance of a free press, at how the Secrecy Bill evolved, and how opposition parties and civil society set about opposing it. It will examine democracy and its relationship with a free press, and do a policy analysis of the Bill. It will also look at how civil society organisations came together to oppose the Bill, and some of the changes which came about as a result of this opposition.

The aim of this study is to present information to members of the South African press, academics in the field of journalism as well as individuals of the South African public who have a keen interest in printed communication in South Africa. The information presented discusses the practice of self-regulation in the South African press, through a study of the Press Council of South Africa (PCSA), the Press Ombudsman and the Press Appeals Panel that is a non-governmental organisation to regulate the press in South Africa. This study will include an analysis of the functions of the Press Ombudsman, the PCSA, the Press Appeals Panel, as well as the role of the constitution of the PSCA and the South African Press Code, which the PCSA uses as a guideline for publications that subscribe to it. Furthermore, a study into the complaints procedure and the determination of the outcome will be done in addition to the sanctions imposed on publications and journalists in breach of the Press Code as well as the acknowledgement given to individuals who have lodged a complaint to the Press Ombudsman, and the article or publication they have complained against had been in breach of the press code. In addition, this study will analyse the outcomes of selected complaints submitted to the PCSA as well as an analysis of submissions made to the PCSA task team and the Press Freedom Commission, an independent commission that was set up to research the regulations of the press. It was found that the PCSA strengthened the system of regulation with the help of the public. It is apparent that the organisation took into account many of the points raised in public submissions. Although the system is self-regulatory it is important to take note that it values and upholds the views of the public. Although though the sanctioning of wayward newspapers was not severe, it had become more defined in the amended code. A point of concern that did not improve over time is the time frame that the Press Ombudsman‟s Office took to resolve the disputes. The delays caused in some disputes were caused by loop holes in the press code and complaints procedure as well as defiant journalists. The PCSA is currently being restructured. As a society changes, the press industry needs to adapt to its needs. This means that the press code will have to constantly be developed to suit society‟s rapidly changing needs. The PCSA has attempted to meet those needs by constantly changing to ensure that the regulatory structure remains relevant.

Submitted in accordance with the requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in the Faculty of Arts in the subject ETHICS at the University of Zululand, 2008. / The year 2004 marked South Africa's celebration of ten years of democracy as encapsulated by guaranteeing a better life for all. The gap between the rich and the poor as well as moral degradation challenges the euphoria of our young democracy. The South African government's commitment to non-racism, justice, democracy and non-sexism constitutes a centre of values that challenges us all to live better lives. This social-democratic society is a secular expression of a Biblical social vision. Within the juxtaposition of Theopoiitics and secularism, this research explicates the challenges of liberal and secular laws as imposed on a fervently religious country. Theopoiitics, as described as the continual interrelationship between government and church, is firmly cemented in South Africa. Nevertheless, how far would the secular, socialist-inclined government go in distancing itself from religious interference? How willing are churches to move away from a marginalised social agent to become a re-energised moral watchdog? Consequently, South Africa's transformative democracy needs to rediscover its spiritual heritage, while churches and Christianity need to invigorate Theopoiitics to participate in and guarantee the realisation of a just democratic order. This study therefore examines the level of interaction between church and state, specifically the Anglican Church and the Dutch Reformed Church. Furthermore, the degree of representation of church attendants and the electorate, as linked to transformation and their leaders in church and government respectively, are scrutinised. In conclusion, it becomes apparent that Theopoiitics will continue to play a role in the secular South Africa. Church-state relationships will be united in their shared vision of a fair, just and socio-economically viable South Africa.

Since Africa’s ‘second liberation’ from authoritarianism at the beginning of the 1990s, political parties have assumed a critically important role in the processes by which social interests are articulated, institutions are legitimised and conflicts are managed. Many authors question the extent to which these organisations recognise the intrinsic value of free political competition, personal liberty, political accountability and social inclusion, although relatively few studies have attempted a comprehensive exploration of either party or voter behaviour. This research project represents a hypothesis-building case study of Namibia and addresses three areas of concern. First, it builds upon existing party system research to demonstrate that Namibia’s opposition vote is characterised by acute volatility and attributes this phenomenon to weak parties, salient ethnic identities and a permissive electoral system, all of which serve to encourage party fragmentation. Second, it investigates the more proximate causes of party fragmentation and concludes that leadership succession contests tend, in Namibia, to trigger splinter group formation either when factional support has been mobilised around a divisive issue or when defeated contenders are coerced into submission. Third, it explores the nature and drivers of dominant-party motivation, challenging an assumption that ruling elites are primarily interested in gangster-style theft and demonstrating that Namibia’s governing party has pursued, not only a formally legitimate path to wealth accumulation, but also a set of progressive social policies designed to empower its support base. Finally, it argues that Namibia’s opposition parties are not primarily motivated by a desire to secure ministerial office through election or co-optation, as the literature would suggest, but by a determination to capture the salaries, party income and media opportunities associated with parliamentary office. Each of these four arguments is tested through comparative analysis, using secondary literature, of Namibia, South Africa and Botswana.