Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2014. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study (Seed politics: An exploration of power narratives in the South African seed industry) attempts to unravel the contradictory power relations shaping South Africa’s seed system and to explore spaces of system intervention that could allow alternate seed systems to emerge. As a base for the agricultural sector, the seed system plays an important role in determining the type, quality and cost of seed supplied to the country’s farmers. By extension then, it also partly determines the type, quality and, to some extent, the cost of food sold to the country’s citizens. Ownership of seed germplasm, protected through plant breeders’ and intellectual property rights, is a contentious, current issue. Debate on international and national levels focuses on possible health issues related to consumption of genetically modified food, ethical considerations around ownership of plant life, monopolisation of seed markets, and the implications of biodiversity loss for food security and climate change adaptation. The first article (Contesting the credibility of consolidation of the South African seed industry) examines how historic and current power relations (on a global and local level) have shaped the ‘modernistic’ direction of South Africa’s seed system, which is now dominated by two US-based multinational companies. The contradictions between this direction and state policy are highlighted, focusing particularly on issues of food security, biodiversity and climate change. Article 2 (Imagining a sustainable South Africa seed system) unpacks the assumptions on which the current system is based, in order to provide space for a new ‘narrative’ around seeds to emerge, motivating for a collaborative ‘imagining’ of a sustainable seed industry, based on a social learning approach. Points of system intervention are suggested and expanded on. In both articles, the complexity of seed systems is outlined providing a framework for understanding the interconnectedness of system elements, intervention points and potential for non-linearity. The study weaves together theory drawn from a diversity of themes to expose how the ‘hidden’ faces of power (entrenched in economic hierarchies and institutions) predetermine the path of the system and whom it benefits and whom it excludes. These themes include economics of consolidation, innovation theories, patenting issues, South African policy documents, international treaties and agreements, systems theory and complexity thinking, social learning, industrial and agro-ecological farming methods, agricultural productivity, and climate change. The study promotes social learning as a tool that could unlock the potential of the seed system to contribute to the urgent issues South Africa faces around biodiversity loss, food insecurity and climate change. Keywords: seed system, genetically modified and hybrid seed, seed patents, seed innovation, social learning, systems theory, complexity thinking, consolidation of seed industry. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie (Saadpolitiek: ʼn ondersoek van magsnarratiewe in die Suid-Afrikaanse saadbedryf) poog om die teenstrydige magsverhoudinge wat vorm aan die Suid-Afrikaanse saadstelsel gee, uit te pluis en ruimtes van stelsel-intervensie wat die opkoms van afwisselende saadstelsels moontlik kan maak, te ondersoek. As grondslag van die landbousektor speel die saadstelsel ʼn belangrike rol in die bepaling van die soort, gehalte en koste van die saad wat aan die land se boere verskaf word. Dus bepaal dit ook deels die soort, gehalte en, in ʼn sekere mate, die koste van die voedsel wat aan die land se burgers verkoop word. Eienaarskap van saadkiemplasma, wat deur planttelersregte en regte op intellektuele eiendom beskerm word, is ʼn omstrede en aktuele kwessie. Debatvoering op sowel internasionale as nasionale vlak fokus op moontlike gesondheidskwessies wat verband hou met die inname van geneties gemodifiseerde voedsel, etiese oorwegings ten opsigte van eienaarskap van plantlewe, monopolisering van saadmarkte, en die implikasies van die verlies aan biodiversiteit op voedselsekerheid en aanpassing by klimaatsverandering. Die eerste artikel (Betwisting van die geloofwaardigheid van die konsolidering van die Suid-Afrikaanse saadbedryf) ondersoek hoe historiese en huidige magsverhoudinge (op sowel globale as plaaslike vlak) die ‘modernistiese’ rigting van die Suid-Afrikaanse saadstelsel, wat nou deur twee multinasionale maatskappye in VSA-besit oorheers word, gevorm het. Die teenstrydighede tussen hierdie rigting en regeringsbeleid word uitgelig, en daar word in die besonder gefokus op die potensiële invloed op voedselsekerheid, biodiversiteit en die kapasiteit om by klimaatsverandering aan te pas. Artikel 2 (‘n Veronderstelling van ʼn volhoubare Suid-Afrikaanse saadstelsel) ondersoek die aannames waarop die huidige stelsel gegrond is, ten einde plek te maak vir ʼn nuwe ‘narratief’ oor saad, motivering vir ʼn medewerkende ‘veronderstelling’ van ʼn volhoubare saadbedryf, gegrond op ʼn benadering van sosiale leer. Punte van stelsel-intervensie word voorgestel en op uitgebrei. In albei artikels word die kompleksiteit van saadstelsels uitgestippel ten einde ʼn raamwerk te bied waarvolgens die onderlinge verband van stelselelemente, intervensiepunte en die potensiaal vir nie-lineariteit begryp kan word. Die studie verweef teorie vanuit diverse temas ten einde bloot te lê hoe die roete van die stelsel, asook wie daaruit voordeel trek en wie daardeur uitgesluit word, vooraf deur die ‘versteekte’ aangesigte van mag (verskans in ‘stelselgeheue’ en bekragtig deur instansies) bepaal word. Hierdie temas sluit in die ekonomie van konsolidasie, innoveringsteorieë, patentkwessies, Suid-Afrikaanse beleidsdokumente, internasionale verdragte en ooreenkomste, stelselteorie en kompleksiteitsdenke, sosiale leer, industriële en agro-ekologiese boerderymetodes, landbouproduktiwiteit en klimaatsverandering. Die studie bevorder sosiale leer as ʼn hulpmiddel wat die potensiaal vir die saadstelsel om tot die dringende uitdagings vir Suid-Afrika ten opsigte van die verlies aan biodiversiteit, voedselonsekerheid en klimaatsverandering by te dra, kan ontsluit. Sleutelwoorde: saadstelsel, geneties gemodifiseerde saad, hibriede saad, saadpatente, saad-innovering, sosiale leer, stelselteorie, kompleksiteitsdenke, konsolidasie van saadbedryf.

M.A. University of the Witwatersrand, Faculty of Humanities (Journalism and Media Studies), 2012 / The relationship between governments and the media has historically been an antagonistic one, and investigative journalism – the material manifestation of the role of the press as fourth estate – is central to this antagonism. In their capacity as the fourth estate, those newspapers that pursue and publish investigative journalism stand in opposition to government. Governments have responded to this opposition in a variety of ways; mostly, however, by way of legislated censorship of the press. In South Africa, the legislation that regulated what newspapers could print under apartheid was unusually vast. In spite of this, major exposés of government corruption – and worse – were seen on the front pages of those publications that pursue investigations into political malfeasance. In South Africa’s post-apartheid democracy, with constitutional protection of the freedom of expression, there has been increasing evidence of what Jackson has called the “embedded qualities of intolerance and secrecy” (1993: 164) in the state’s response to revelations of corruption in the press, culminating in the Protection of State Information Bill that was passed in Parliament in November 2011. The passing of the Bill has resulted in widespread concern about the possibility of legislated, apartheid-style censorship of the media and freedom of expression. I interviewed five editors who were part of exposing state corruption during and after apartheid, in order to establish what motivates their decisions to keep on printing stories that brings them into conflict with the political powers of the day, in spite of the financial consequences for their publications. Regardless of the different political landscapes, the strategies that they followed in order to keep on publishing were remarkably similar, as is their reason for continuing to publish investigative stories: they believe it embodies the role of the press in a democracy. Indicators are that editors will keep on publishing, in spite of attempts by the government to gag the press.

A research report submitted to the Faculty of Humanities, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts (Diversity Studies). March 2014 / Despite the end of apartheid, South Africa remains a grossly unequal society. This has meant that the current social order must again be challenged. One of the tasks faced in post-apartheid South Africa is the philosophical and moral interrogation of white privilege. This research investigates the ways of speaking of Argentine immigrants living in South Africa. Semi-structured interviews were conducted and analysed by making use of Laclau and Mouffe’s discourse theory as well as Melissa Steyn’s characteristics of “white talk”. It was found that Argentine immigrants living in South Africa aligned themselves with the ways of speaking of white South Africans. These are largely informed by and embedded in Eurocentric discourses; in particular liberal ideology. In line with the agenda of Critical Whiteness studies, this positionality was exposed and theoretically interrogated. Keywords: whiteness, immigrants, discourse, Laclau and Mouffe discourse theory, white talk, racism, identity, liberalism

This study seeks to investigate the origin of land injustices in South Africa. The root cause of land injustices, as will be shown in the introduction, is located in human shortcomings of greed, which theologically is termed sin. All the contributory systems mentioned such as Colonisation and Apartheid are a direct result of sin. No human being is immune from sin, whatever name one may use to describe that shortcoming. The approach adopted throughout the dissertation is an inductive one which first presents the reality as it is and secondly make an analysis of the situation. In this regard chapter two focuses on the dire needs of land by Africans both in Cradock and the country as a whole. Chapter three examines the concept of ubulungisa - justice as an appropriate method for Christians (in South Africa) to address the issue of land injustice. Chapter four acknowledges that the problem of land injustice is global in scope. It is suggested that the experiences of other countries that have gone through similar experiences have much to offer South Africa: It is also emphasised that the lessons learnt must be adapted to our situation. Chapter five examines the land policies of three of the dominant South African political parties that are involved in the present Government. These are; the African National Congress, the National Party and the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania. At the same time, a brief critique of their land policies is conducted. This chapter closes by suggesting that an approach that allows all citizens of the country to make a contribution be adopted. Chapter six presents a challenge to the Church to accept its role and responsibility. The author submits that the Church has a pastoral and prophetic role to play. The church is challenged to show its commitment to ministry on land injustices by setting an example in the use of its own land, whilst at the same time it challenges the State. This is so because the church has a task to be the conscience of the nation by 'being the voice of the voiceless.' Chapter seven, summarises the findings of the dissertation and concludes by suggesting six fundamental ethical principles regarding justice in the land that are worth considering. / Thesis (M.Th.)-University of Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 1998.

No abstract available. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, Durban, 2001.

No abstract available. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, Durban, 1996.

Thesis (MA (History))--University of Stellenbosch, 2007. / The Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) may be described as one of the most important events in the recent South African past. The TRC’s activities included an examination of gross human rights violations between 1960 and 1994, as well as amnesty hearings for those believed to be guilty of human rights violations. In addition, the TRC had to decide on the possibilities for reparations to victims, and had to compile a comprehensive report on the nature of the abovementioned violations. This process was shrouded in controversy. For example, criticism was levelled at the TRC because of the perception that it was intended as a witch-hunt against Afrikaners. The danger of subjectivity was also mentioned often. How was the public kept up to date about the activities of the TRC? The media played an important role in the distribution of information to those who could not readily attend the various hearings of the TRC.

Thesis (MA (Journalism) -- Stellenbosch University, 1983. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: no abstract available / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: geen opsomming

M.A. / The dissertation analyses the political involvement of two women's organisations, Kontak and Women for Peace, during the period 1976-1990. Both organisations were established in the political watershed year of 1976. Kontak had its roots in `verligte' Afrikaner thinking concerned primarily about the image of the Afrikaner as oppressor. Women for Peace stemmed from the heart of liberal capitalist thinking fearing that the welfare community was under threat. Both organisations thus arose from the privileged white establishment and in this aspect differ from the many other women's organisations that existed in the period under review. The meaning of "political involvement" is defined in the study and evaluated in terms of the protest registered against the apartheid system, the ideological stand that was taken and the extent to which race relations improved. The latter was after all an essential objective of both organisations, more particularly to end conflict than to ensure a complete transition to democracy. The positioning, objective and conduct of the abovementioned organisations must of necessity be highlighted against the background of the oppressive political situation of the day. For this reason the study provides an overview of the political context within which the organisations had to function. It commences with the riots of 1976 when the National Party came under increasing pressure to scale down apartheid and make it more acceptable. Mention is made of the power of the National Party to equate matters of national interest with discrete party political interests. Further mention is made of the unbridgeable gap between intra-parliamentary and extra-parliamentary politics and how the decisive power of the latter was publicly suppressed. The impossibility of "political neutrality" is emphasised and that was precisely the label that the two organisations under discussion would have liked to attach to themselves. Kontak and Women for Peace were not the only players in the field of women's organisations. The study briefly discusses a few of the other main players such as the ANC Women's League, Inkatha's Women's Brigade and the Black Sash. Both Kontak and Women for Peace explicitly stated that they wished to seek reconciliation and peace between privileged whites and disadvantaged blacks "outside of the party-political arena". Neither of them could escape their political roots, however. The new enlightenment in the National Party for example prevented Kontak from taking an increasingly critical stand against apartheid. In the same way the much sharper voice of the Women for Peace was silenced by the approval of liberal PFP thinking. Both organisations registered protest within the safety of intra-parliamentary politics. They constituted no revolutionary threat for the apartheid state and their leaders were neither imprisoned nor banned. In summary it can be said that both Kontak and Women for Peace were able to realise the objectives of reconciliation within their chosen but limited target groups. Praiseworthy projects were undertaken and strong anti-apartheid positions were adopted. Democratic adjustments were constantly made with regard to membership, leadership hierarchy and language orientation. As far as the political main stream was concerned both, however, were wrongly positioned. The black majority moved in extra-parliamentary circles, outside the field of experience and even the protest actions of privileged whites. For this reason Kontak and Women for Peace were unable to contribute directly to the democratic transition to black majority rule but to some extent succeeded in sensitising the privileged white communities to accept change.

M.A. / The study purports to trace and analyse how African women used local structures in the 1950's and 1960's to seek redress against the policies of racial segregation. This study intends showing how African women have piloted local organisations during the period under review, how they resisted all attempts by the local municipal council to have women removed from the location and how women rejected the authority of the local boards. Protest movements and organisations, and the type of political activity women engaged in before the 1950's, have been largely ignored by the few writers who have considered the matter at all. This has resulted in the assumption that there were no women's activities prior to 1950. C. Kros wrote: "...(that) there is a general assumption that until the 1950's women were passive and took a back seat in all spheres except forone or two outbursts of activity, like for instance the resistance against the passes in the Free State in 1913." 3 The study purports to dispel the myth that African women were inactive prior to 1950: This study shows that the emergence of the squatter settlement in the late 1940's was spearheaded by African women who had nowhere to settle, except by pitching up shacks. By early 1940 urban workers found it increasingly difficult to obtain suitably priced residential accommodation as no new houses were built. The study will analyse how Sofasonke Mpanza, a member of the Orlando Advisory Board and the leader of the Sofasonke Mpanza Party, was able to win adherents to his party, the majority of whom were women and why African women in Orlando defied the Municipal Council's regulations and pitched up "shelters" which came to be known as the "Shanty Town".