Esta dissertação tem por objetivo analisar o movimento da Serra do Rodeador, onde homens e mulheres livres e pobres, em sua maioria mulatos e trabalhadores rurais, se organizaram em Irmandade nas brenhas de Bonito, no sertão da Província de Pernambuco, nos primeiros anos do século XIX. Identificados por nós como rebeldes-devotos, ou seja, rebeldes no que tange a luta contra os problemas e injustiças sociais que atingiam aquela população; devotos no que marca as ferramentas simbólicas por eles elaboradas que serviram de armas e escudos para a luta que pretendiam travar e para construir um novo mundo possível. Optamos por descrever esse movimento por meio de dois percursos: o Simbólico e o Social. No primeiro marcados pelo patrimônio religioso do sertão, inserido em um catolicismo popular e que se expressou como um movimento sociorreligioso rústico. No segundo como expressão da Crise do Antigo Regime que atingia a Capitania pernambucana ao final do século XVIII e início do XIX, principalmente no que tange as problemáticas expropriatórias realizada pelo Estado Colonial e sofridas por aqueles indivíduos. Erigindo a Cidade do Paraíso Terreal junto à Pedra Encantada do Rodeador, aqueles sertanejos rebeldes-devotos livres e pobres construíram a sua própria história a partir de uma perspectiva própria da realidade em oposição à ordem estabelecida que lhes suprimiam a autonomia e liberdade. Ao unirmos dois campos metodológicos diferentes para olharmos esses homens e mulheres livres e pobres do século XIX, antes observados de forma unilateral acreditamos ter conseguido apresentar um toque de originalidade que compete aos estudos das revoltas populares do século XIX e dos movimentos sociorreligiosos \"rústicos\", principalmente a revolta do reino do Paraíso Terreal e os rebeldes-devotos da Pedra Encantada do Rodeador, 1820. / This dissertation aims to analyze the movement of the Serra do Rodeador, where free and poor men and women, mostly mulattoes and rural workers, organized themselves in the Brotherhood in Bonito, in the backlands of the Pernambuco Province, in the early years of the century XIX. Identified by us as rebellious-devotees, that is, rebels in what concerns the fight against the social problems and injustices that reached that population; devotees in what marks the symbolic tools elaborated by them that served as weapons and shields for the struggle they intended to wage and to construct a new possible world. We chose to describe this movement through two paths: the Symbolic and the Social. In the first one marked by the religious patrimony of the sertão, inserted in a popular Catholicism and that expressed like a \"rustico\" sociorreligious movement. In the second as an expression of the Crisis of the Old Regime that reached the Captaincy of Pernambuco at the end of the eighteenth and beginning of the nineteenth century, especially in relation to the expropriatory problems carried out by the Colonial State and suffered by those individuals. Erecting the Terreal Paradise City by the Rodeador\'s Enchanted Stone, these free and poor rebel-devout sertanejos constructed their own history from a perspective of reality in opposition to the established order that suppressed their autonomy and freedom. By uniting two different methodological fields to look at these free and poor men and women of the nineteenth century, previously unilaterally observed, we believe we have succeeded in presenting a touch of originality that competes with the studies of the popular revolts of the nineteenth century and the \"rustic\" socioreligious movements, mainly the revolt of the kingdom of the Terreal Paradise and the rebels-devotees of the Enchanted Stone of the Rodeador, 1820.

Plus de cinquante ans après son indépendance, l’histoire de l’Algérie coloniale est et, demeure toujours un sujet aussi douloureux et sensible des deux côtés de la Méditerranée. Au fur et à mesure de l’expansion coloniale française, les membres de la société de l’ex-régence d’Alger voient le mode de vie et leur statut changer. Et, ce en fonction des réformes et des dispositions de l’administration coloniale qui à la fois dut conduire une politique à deux niveaux: une politique pour les colons , les nouveaux habitants de l’Algérie, et une autre pour les indigènes qui malgré le fait que le Senatus consulte de 1865 leur ait accordé la citoyenneté, ils n’en restaient pas moins des sujets de seconde zone. A travers cette étude, nous proposons de suivre l’évolution et les facteurs qui ont contribué à l’éveil populaire des masses musulmanes durant la période qui s’étend de 1830 à 1936. Un champs d’études ayant pour cadre les révoltes populaires ; symbole de la résistance populaire des milieux ruraux, la notion de soumission qui reflète une position mitigée de la part des population qui vacille entre résistance et cohabitation face à l’administration militaire puis face à l’administration coloniale civile, Également la perception de la question de l’assimilation chez les Algériens musulmans et les Européens qui revêtit diverses interprétations à partir de la question du royaume arabe et du problème de la naturalisation. La question du nationalisme et la problématique de son existence ou non avant le débarquement des Français. Notre théorie est que tous ces facteurs ont aidé à l’éclosion du nationalisme, processus qui n’a pas suivi un développement linaire mais fut le résultat d’un cheminement complexe compte tenu des différents facteurs tels que le panislamisme, les retombées de la Première guerre mondiale et l’engagement des indigènes dans ce conflit qui à la base ne les concernait pas. Puis, entre les années 1920 et 1930, les formations politiques font leur apparition, intellectuels et réformistes musulmans s’affirment sur la scène politique et engage la confrontation avec l’administration coloniale et le gouvernement de la Métropole. Ainsi , la prise de conscience des masses musulmanes allaient se manifester et s’imposer en dépassant les différences des uns et des autres ; c’est à dire passer d’une pensée particulariste, d’un régionalisme à une pensée collective nationale : se reconnaitre dans une seule et unique identité nationale. / The political awakening of Algerian society through revolts, submission, assimilation and nationalism.1830-1936. More than fifteen years after his independence, Algerian colonial history is and stills always a painful and sensitive subject for the two sides of the Mediterranean Sea. As the French colonial expansion took place, members of society of former regency of Algiers see their way of living changing. And, this in function of reforms and measures of colonial administration which drive a two level policy: toward settlers’ policy; the new inhabitants of Algeria. And another one for indigenous whom still second zone citizen even if the ײSenatus consultײ of 1865 gives them citizenship. Throughout this study, we suggest to follow the evolution of these factors which contribute to the popular awakening of Muslim masses during the period between 1830 and 1936. It is a field of study which includes not only popular revolts, the symbol of rural resistance. But also the notion of submission reflecting à mixed position of populations between resistance and cohabitation with military administration first, then with civil colonial one after, thus the assimilation issue of Algerian Muslims and Europeans, which clothed various interpretations starting by the Arab Kingdom of Napoleon III and the problem of naturalization, and finally, the nationalism issue and the issue of its existence or not before the landing of French. Our theory is that all these features helped the hatching of nationalism, a process which did not follow a linear development but was the result of a complex path according to different factors such as Pan Islamism, the consequences of the WWI and the participation of the indigenous in this conflict which was not their conflict. Then, from 1920 and 1930, political groups appear; Muslim reformers and intellectuals assert themselves in political scene and engage the confrontation with the colonial administration and metropolitan government. Thus, the awareness of Muslim masses will appear and lead up on differences between people; in other move from individual or regional thinking towards a collective national thinking.