Face à l’évolution sinueuse de l’intégration européenne, notre objectif est d’analyser, depuis la perspective de la théorie des systèmes de Niklas Luhmann, le processus suivi par le système politique en Europe. Si Luhmann n’a jamais réalisé une observation ponctuelle de la question, sa théorie nous apporte un cadre pluridisciplinaire à la capacité d’innovation remarquable au regard de la complexité de la société moderne, des relations post-nationales et de la reconfiguration du politique. Cette approche est notamment prometteuse dans un contexte de décentration du politique par rapport à la société européenne, et de décentration des Etats nationaux par rapport au système politique. Ce contexte provoque une incertitude face au futur, qui fait à la fois écho à un moment de transition dans la réalité et dans notre formulation théorique de cette réalité. Notre recherche vise donc à une reformulation de la structure conceptuelle systémique dont l’actualisation nous semble nécessaire. Par delà le caractère fécond des observations, descriptions et concepts de la théorie des systèmes tels que l’anti-régionalisme, le post-humanisme, le constructivisme ou la spécificité du politique, nous défendons l’introduction et l’application d’un schéma conceptuel qui cible l’analyse du social dans ses aspects complexes, multi-niveaux, « polycontexturels » et polycentriques, et dans ses temporalités multiples. L’Europe prend une référence particulière, au croisement d’une complexité globale (la « société-monde ») et d’une complexité héritée de la différenciation territoriale (Etats-nations et régions); ce travail se propose de trouver une perspective qui permettra d’observer ce phénomène. / Facing to the winding evolution of European integration, our aim is to analyze the process followed by the political system in Europe, from the perspective of Niklas Luhmann’s System Theory. Although Luhmann has never made a punctual observation about this question, his theory gives us a pluridisciplinary framework with a remarkable innovative ability in order to think modern society’s complexity, post-national relations and political reconfigurations. This is an auspicious approach in a context of political decentralization with regard to the European society, and a context of decentralization of the National-State with regard to the political system. This original situation provokes an uncertainty face to the future which shows a transitional moment in reality as well as in theoretical formulation on this reality. Our research focuses on reformulating the system’s structure of concepts; we consider its renewal necessary. Despites the fructiferous nature of system theory’s observations, descriptions and concepts: anti-regionalism, post-humanism, constructivism or the specificity of politics for instance; we propose the introduction and application of a renewed conceptual schema that focuses on the analysis of society in its complexity, multi-level, “policontextural”, polycentric aspects as well as multiple temporalities. Europe itself takes a particular reference in the intertwined theoretical space of a global complexity (“World-Society”) and of a complexity inherited from territorial differentiation (Nation- States and regions); our research tries to find out the best possible perspective from which we could observe this phenomenon.

This thesis investigates whether more open trade policymaking processes that include non-governmental entities, by virtue of the divergence of interests represented, lead to a stronger, more legitimate and qualitatively enhanced international trade system. The European Union stands out among major trading powers for its significant and dramatic response to new demands for access and participation. The thesis examines whether improvements in the political opportunity structure for ‘progressive’ Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) result in more legitimate external trade policymaking in the European Union (EU). Legitimacy is assessed along two lines: the way policy is made (procedural legitimacy) and the projected outcomes of policy (substantive legitimacy). The role of NGOs is evaluated in two important cases in the context of World Trade Organization negotiations since 2000. The first concerns the formulation of the formal European Communities’ (EC) position on trade related intellectual property rights (TRIPS) and access to medicines. The second concerns the EC’s requests for water services liberalization in the context of General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS) 2000 negotiations. Through a critical evaluation of the role of NGOs in these cases, the thesis argues that there is clear potential for NGOs to represent citizens’ demands, constitute a basic form of popular representation and hold decision-makers accountable to a broader public. However, they cannot determine policy outcomes in this arena. This thesis challenges a theoretical perspective on public policymaking called Cosmopolitanism. Grounded in democratic and normative theory, it conceives of Global Civil Society, and NGOs in particular, as major conduits for democracy and social justice in global and/or regional governance. The thesis builds upon the insights of Constructivism to advance an alternative account of the significance of NGOs in the EU’s external trade policymaking process. In particular, it argues that epistemes, the deepest level of the ideational world, dominate the external trade policymaking process. NGOs succeed only when their attempts to achieve more democratic, just, equitable and fair external trade policies in the EU conform broadly to the dominant legal/liberal episteme. When they seek to overrule that episteme, they fail, regardless of their formal involvement in the external trade policymaking process.

This thesis investigates whether more open trade policymaking processes that include non-governmental entities, by virtue of the divergence of interests represented, lead to a stronger, more legitimate and qualitatively enhanced international trade system. The European Union stands out among major trading powers for its significant and dramatic response to new demands for access and participation. The thesis examines whether improvements in the political opportunity structure for ‘progressive’ Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) result in more legitimate external trade policymaking in the European Union (EU). Legitimacy is assessed along two lines: the way policy is made (procedural legitimacy) and the projected outcomes of policy (substantive legitimacy). The role of NGOs is evaluated in two important cases in the context of World Trade Organization negotiations since 2000. The first concerns the formulation of the formal European Communities’ (EC) position on trade related intellectual property rights (TRIPS) and access to medicines. The second concerns the EC’s requests for water services liberalization in the context of General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS) 2000 negotiations. Through a critical evaluation of the role of NGOs in these cases, the thesis argues that there is clear potential for NGOs to represent citizens’ demands, constitute a basic form of popular representation and hold decision-makers accountable to a broader public. However, they cannot determine policy outcomes in this arena. This thesis challenges a theoretical perspective on public policymaking called Cosmopolitanism. Grounded in democratic and normative theory, it conceives of Global Civil Society, and NGOs in particular, as major conduits for democracy and social justice in global and/or regional governance. The thesis builds upon the insights of Constructivism to advance an alternative account of the significance of NGOs in the EU’s external trade policymaking process. In particular, it argues that epistemes, the deepest level of the ideational world, dominate the external trade policymaking process. NGOs succeed only when their attempts to achieve more democratic, just, equitable and fair external trade policies in the EU conform broadly to the dominant legal/liberal episteme. When they seek to overrule that episteme, they fail, regardless of their formal involvement in the external trade policymaking process.

The objective of this thesis is to analyze the concept of &lsquo / European identity&rsquo / within the context of the European Union (EU) in terms of constructivist approach. This thesis is based on the idea that European integration project needs a shared identity / it is essential means for the success and continuity of an &lsquo / ever closer Union&rsquo / . In this context, the aim of the thesis is to find out the answers to the questions of whether the EU has a European identity / whether a post-national European identity is viable and desirable / if so, which model of identity is more viable and desirable. Through adopting the constructivist approach the main argument of this thesis is that a European identity is as a process and project. The thesis further argues European identity as a &lsquo / thin&rsquo / identity is still in the process of formation and its uncertain content and &lsquo / future-oriented&rsquo / character is open to new codifications. Accordingly, the thesis contains three main parts / the viable and desirable post-national European identity / the EU&rsquo / s identity building strategies / the impact of European integration and the effects of identity-building strategies on both national and European identities since the 1950s to present.