Maize is universally considered to be the basis of prehispanic Maya foodways and maize-beans-squash agriculture the primary means of food acquisition. This narrow view is attributable to a lack of direct evidence and an oversimplification of the ethnographic data. In this dissertation I employ new methods to recover evidence of ancient plant foods at Escalera al Cielo (EAC)—a Terminal Classic (A.D. 800-950) Puuc Maya settlement located in Yucatán, Mexico—and challenge the notion that all Maya everywhere ate an unvarying diet of agricultural staples. By highlighting the tremendous variety of environments, foods, and food practices as well as the potential biases contained within the ethnohistorical and ethnographic literature, I use the archaeological evidence to reevaluate established models and explore daily food practices at EAC. The research focuses on domestic spaces from three excavated households, the artifacts that formed part of the culinary toolkit (e.g., ceramic vessels, grinding stones, chipped stone tools, and fired clay balls), and microbotanical residues (phytoliths and starch) associated with these spaces and artifacts. Modal analyses of artifacts and identifications of their residues permit testing of functional assumptions about culinary implements (e.g., "maize grinding stones"). The results reveal that most implements were multifunctional and that the food prepared and consumed at EAC included a range of cultivated and wild resources in addition to the expected staple ingredients of maize, beans, and multiple varieties of squash. There are also abundant starch residues from chile peppers (ground for seasonings and salsas), palm phytoliths that may represent foodstuffs, and at least three root crops—arrowroot, manioc, and Zamia sp.—the first of which may have been an additional staple ingredient. These new data illuminate regional food preferences, techniques of preparation, the diversity of food production and procurement strategies, symbolic associations of certain foods (identified in ritual contexts), and the skill and labor required of women who are widely considered to have been responsible for most food practices.

In Prehispanic Northwest Argentina, the first archaeological evidence of Formative cultures (1000 BC-AD 1000) permits us to differentiate between areas of daily use and areas of funeral or ritual uses and between household patio-groups and mound compounds. During the first millennium AD, several modes of spatial structuration and of investment in the architectural landscape were in operation. They confer primacy to different material and symbolic means. At the end of the first millennium AD two structuration modes can be distinguished more clearly: one was founded in the control and manipulation of sacred resources and the other was founded in the control and concentration of socio-political resources of a secular order. Both distinctive principles operated as the means and resources of several social transformations. These modes produced diverse forms of hierarchically structured social spaces and of community architecture. Variations of these modes are illustrated by describing different archaeological sites and materials from the Santa María Valley and nearby areas. This analysis aims to understand social transformations from the first village communities to later ones. / En el Noroeste argentino prehispánico, las primeras evidencias formativas (1000 a.C. a 1000 d.C.) permiten diferenciar entre algunas zonas de uso cotidiano y sectores funerarios o rituales, es decir, entre conjuntos de viviendas-patio y complejos de montículos-plazuela. En el transcurso del primer milenio d.C. ya existían varios modos alternativos de diferenciación del espacio y de inversión en el paisaje arquitectónico que otorgaban primacía a medios materiales y simbólicos distintos. Al final de esta etapa se pueden distinguir, de manera más clara, dos modos de diferenciación: uno fundado en el control y manipulación de recursos sagrados, y otro basado en el control y concentración de recursos de orden sociopolítico o secular. Ambos principios de distinción operaron como medios y recursos de transformaciones sociales. Estos modos produjeron formas diversas de jerarquización del espacio social y de la arquitectura comunitaria. Estas variaciones se ilustran con la descripción de sitios y materiales arqueológicos del valle de Santa María y sus alrededores. El presente análisis está dirigido a la comprensión de la transición desde las primeras sociedades aldeanas a las formaciones posteriores.

Esta pesquisa tem por objetivo analisar um conjunto de fontes mexicas e fontes tlapanecas, com narrativas históricas e registros tributários ameríndios, para compreender as representações produzidas por mexicas e tlapanecas sobre os acontecimentos políticos e econômicos em que se estabeleceram relações de subordinação tributária entre suas elites, vigentes de 1486 a 1521. Assim, iremos contrapor e comparar como essas relações foram representadas por duas unidades que são parte de um mesmo sistema tributário no qual ocupam posições distintas, uma como cabeceira da própria Tríplice Aliança, que é México-Tenochtitlan, e outra que é cabeceira de sua província, que é Tlapa-Tlachinollan. A hipótese inicial é que mexicas e tlapanecas construíram representações históricas diferentes sobre suas relações porque baseavam-se nos interesses de promover narrativas que destacassem o poderio de suas próprias elites. Essa relação de subordinação tributária dos tlapanecas está inserida em uma superestrutura administrativa de império, aplicada pelos mexicas, na qual era importante a manutenção de certa autonomia política das elites locais na condução cotidiana das províncias, de modo a não sobrecarregar o aparato estatal mexica. Dessa maneira, propomos um estudo mais detalhado das relações regionais nesse sistema de dominação, considerando a perspectiva representada por um dos poderios locais que compôs esse império, e destacando o sistema tributário como elemento que direcionava e mantinha essas relações de domínio político e de subordinação a partir da centralização estatal controlada por algumas elites. / The present study analyses selected mexica and tlapanec sources such as historical narratives and Amerindians tribute records to understand representation made by mexicas and tlapanecs about happenings in which were involved political and economical subordination relationship between their elites from 1486 to 1521. Therefore comparisions and interposition of how those relationships were two parts of one same tributary system playing different roles, one as head of Mexico - Tenochtitlan Triple Alliance and the other as head of its own Tlapa - Tlachninollan province. The initial hypotesis is that mexicas and tlapanecs built their own hystorical representation because they were interested in promoting narratives that highlighted their own elites. This tlapanec tributary subordination relationship is inserted in an Empire administration superstructure, used by mexicas and important in maintaning they local elite political autonomy in daily province management in order not to overload mexica state apparatus. In such way, it was conducted a more detailed study of their local relationships in the domination system, considered the perspective represented by one of the local power that was a part of the Empire with an emphasis on the tributary system as the factor that direct and kept those relationship public domain and subordination from State centralization controlled by some elites.

The recurrence in the use of enclosed courtyards and porches where people sat in the shade, back against the wall, and with platforms accessible only by ramps or stairs, are unique characteristics found in late period Andean structures. This particularity as well as some another features make difficult to understand the functions and uses of monumental architecture in the ancient Central Andes. The recent discussion about these architectural features found in prehispanic Andean palaces proves the common disagreements even with substantial archaeological evidence where seems not easy to distinct between governors main residences and temples. The investigations carried out at Pueblo Viejo-Pucará, "Lomas de Lurín" Archaeological Project-Field School, Convenio Cementos Lima S.A.-Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, under the direction of Krzysztof Makowski from 1999 to present, have provided valuable information to this topic. The excavations covers more than 6000 square meters of architectonic evidence in four of its five sections, including two residential structures of the elite, with palace features, and one temple located at the top of a mountain. Comparing the hypothetical households of two curacas, two residential elite homes and other residential units excavated in Pueblo Viejo-Pucara, show the common use of a central patio with wide open kitchens and areas of entertainment, such as structures next to the patio and porches facing it; which differentiate the elite ones from the commoners’ homes. The patio is the central area of public activity where offers were made during banquets and the food was served in a festive manner, including camelid and cervid meats, chicha served in fine ceramic ware. The main palace is differentiated from the rest of the residences, based on the presence of an ushnu with funerary chambers and two plazas that are related with the cult of two huancas and at least one rocky outcrop seen as a sacred huaca, with offerings of Spondylus princeps, gold and silver. / La recurrencia de patios cercados (canchas), "audiencias" y pórticos, lugares destinados para albergar largas filas de personas sentadas de manera cómoda a la sombra de techo y de espaldas a una pared, así como la presencia de plataformas accesibles por medio de rampas o escaleras cuentan entre los rasgos que definen el carácter peculiar de la arquitectura de los periodos tardíos en los Andes, un aspecto difícil de interpretar desde el punto de vista de la función. Recientes discusiones sobre las características de la arquitectura palaciega en los Andes prehispánicos han puesto en evidencia los problemas con los que tropiezan los intentos de hacer el deslinde formal y funcional entre la residencia principal del gobernante y el templo a partir de las evidencias arqueológicas. Las investigaciones realizadas en Pueblo Viejo-Pucará desde 1999 hasta el presente en el marco del Proyecto Arqueológico-Taller de Campo "Lomas de Lurín", Convenio Cementos Lima S.A.-Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, bajo la dirección de Krzysztof Makowski, aportan datos valiosos a la discusión del tema dado que han abarcado más de 6000 metros cuadrados de superficie excavada en cuatro de los cinco sectores del sitio, incluidas dos estructuras residenciales de elite de carácter palaciego y un templo que corona una elevación, denominado "Templo de la Cima". La comparación entre las hipotéticas moradas de dos curacas, dos residencias de elite y las demás unidades residenciales excavadas en Pueblo Viejo-Pucará deja en claro que la presencia del patio central con amplias cocinas y áreas de agasajo en forma de recintos anexos y pórticos constituye la principal diferencia entre la residencia de elite y la casa común. El patio es el área central de la vida pública, donde, de manera frecuente, se ofrecen banquetes con comida de carácter festivo, rica en la preciada carne de camélidos y de cérvidos, así como en chicha, la que se sirve en vasijas finas ejecutadas en estilos de prestigio. El palacio principal difiere de las demás residencias por la presencia de un ushnu con cámaras funerarias adosadas, dos plazas relacionadas con el culto de dos huancas y de, por lo menos, un afloramiento rocoso con ofrendas de conchas Spondylus princeps, oro y plata, el que habría sido venerado como huaca.

Esta tesis propone un museo de la Cultura Chincha en Chincha baja, que contribuya con sus espacios a la educación, protección y difusión del patrimonio Chinchano que actualmente se encuentra en peligro de desaparecer. Tiene como eje principal la integración al entorno, de los volúmenes con el complejo arqueológico y natural, utilizar sistemas constructivos modernos como Sirewall (Tierra apisonada estabilizada) y reinterpretar espacios prehispánicos. / This thesis proposes a Chincha Culture museum in Chincha Baja, which contributes with its spaces to the education, protection, and dissemination of the Chinchano heritage that is currently in danger of disappearing. Its main axis is the integration into the environment, of the volumes with the archaeological and natural complex, using modern construction systems, such as Sirewall (stabilized rammed Earth) and reinterpreting pre-Hispanic spaces. / Tesis

An analysis of the architecture and spatial organization of the Caral-Chupacigarro complex is compared with Pachacamac and other Central Andean prehispanic settlements and also with Çatal Hüyük in Anatolia. It is concluded that the term "settled ceremonial center" describes these sites better than the term "city". The formal diversity of the architectural spaces that make up these early monumental complexes is explained by the ritual activities carried out at them, including banquets, feasts, dances, offerings, sacrifices, etc. The differences in size, volume, and duration of continuous use of buildings in the same complexes, as well as the ceremonial centers, is believe to have no relationship with the number of permanent settlers at them; rather, it is suggested to be directly proportional to the number of regular visitors, and therefore, to the religious and political prestige of these sites. The construction of monumental ceremonial spaces, jointly used by a single community or by an alliance of several communities, and their maintenance and eventual expansion are, in this context, a mechanism for the materialization of the memory of the ritual kinship relations established and periodically legitimized through shared rituals at these localities. / El análisis de la arquitectura y de la organización espacial del complejo Caral-Chupacigarro en comparación con Çatal Hüyük, por un lado, y con Pachacamac y otros asentamientos complejos prehispánicos en los Andes centrales por el otro, lleva al autor a la conclusión de que la expresión "centro ceremonial poblado" describe mejor sus características que el término "ciudad". La diversidad formal de ambientes arquitectónicos de la que se componen los edificios monumentales tempranos se explicaría por las necesidades involucradas en el culto como, por ejemplo, banquetes, ayunos, bailes, ofrendas y sacrificios. Las diferencias en la extensión, volumen construido y duración del uso continuo tanto entre los edificios del mismo complejo como entre diferentes centros ceremoniales no guardan relación proporcional directa con el número de eventuales habitantes permanentes, pero sí con el de la cantidad de visitantes periódicos y, por ende, con su prestigio religioso y político. En este contexto, la construcción del espacio ceremonial y monumental de manera mancomunada por una comunidad o por una alianza de varias comunidades, su mantenimiento y eventuales ampliaciones se constituyen en el mecanismo de materialización de la memoria sobre los lazos de parentesco ritual establecidos por este medio, el que se legitima periódicamente gracias a determinados rituales compartidos.