Political and historical literature largely attributes the political development of the Southern Strategy to the 1964 Barry Goldwater and 1968 Richard Nixon presidential campaigns. The Southern Strategy is commonly explained as the Republican Party’s 1964 campaign decision to abandon Black voters in the North to expand its national political base of support by seeking White voters outside of the South who were angry with the political advancements of the Civil Rights Movement (Aistrup 1996, 5; Bass and DeVries 1976, 27). Discussions of Ronald Reagan’s role in the development of the Southern Strategy describe him more as a beneficiary rather than a significant influence in the Republican Party’s efforts to nationalize Southern racial politics (Aistrup 1996, 12; Black and Black 2002, 4). However, his speeches equated social spending with racial stigmas and pathological behavior. The fusion of economic issues and racial stereotypes has influenced future presidential politics since 1964 with Reagan’s “A Time for Choosing” speech (Reagan 1964). The racialized language used by Reagan in his speech has influenced the rhetorical frame of the Southern Strategy in the last six decades. This qualitative study utilizes content analysis to examine the impact of racially coded language of Democratic and Republican presidents, from Ronald Reagan to Barack Obama, when they argue the legitimacy of the social safety net. The study seeks to expand the knowledge of the prevalence of the politics of pathology, which is defined as the belief that social spending encourages individuals to engage in immoral behavior and is used by presidents to mitigate or cultivate racial resentment.

Orientador: Milton Lahuerta / Banca: José Antônio Segatto / Banca: Carlota J. M. C. dos Reis Boto / Banca: Vera Alves Cepêda / Banca: Roger Fernandes Campato / Resumo: A presente tese intitulada Fundamentos e circunstâncias: as palavras do Presidente Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995-1998) resulta de uma pesquisa acerca da trajetória intelectual, da vida pública e da carreira política de Fernando Henrique Cardoso, bem como da análise de conteúdo de seus discursos presidenciais no primeiro mandato. O texto é estruturado em duas seções: Parte I – Fundamentos e Circunstâncias e Parte II – As palavras do Presidente: análise de conteúdo dos discursos presidenciais (1995-1998). Em Fundamentos e Circunstâncias, há o Capítulo 1, que versa sobre a “Escola Paulista de Sociologia” e da participação de Fernando Henrique Cardoso no projeto de estudos Economia e Sociedade: análise sociológica do subdesenvolvimento; no Capítulo 2, trata-se da chegada de Fernando Henrique Cardoso à vida pública, seu exílio, a mudança de agenda intelectual, a constituição do CEBRAP e sua relação com o MDB; e, o Capítulo 3, focaliza as alegrias e desventuras da vida política, trazendo à tona sua trajetória políticopartid ária até sua eleição para Presidente da República. Na Parte II – As palavras do Presidente: análise de conteúdo dos discursos presidenciais – é utilizado o recurso da análise de conteúdo para compreender o sentido discursivo adotado pelo Presidente da República e suas relações com sua trajetória intelectual. Há, portanto, nesta seção, o Capítulo 4, Dimensão Estado e Sociedade; o Capítulo 5, Dimensão Econômica e o Capítulo 6, Dimensão Política. A hipótese principal – confirmada nas considerações finais - é que, no plano discurso, Fernando Henrique Cardoso recorre à uma legitimação alicerçada sobre sua formação sociológica e que estes discursos – embora renovados e tratando de assuntos hodiernos - guardam enorme proximidade em relação às temáticas tratadas no projeto Economia e Sociedade, da década de 1960 / Abstract: This thesis is based on an extensive research conducted by the author on the intellectual trajectory, the public life and the political career of Fernando Henrique Cardoso, as well as on the content analysis of Cardoso’s presidential speeches in his first term as President of Brazil (1995-1998). The text is structured in two major sections: Part I – Fundaments and Circumstances and Part II – The Words of the President: content analysis of the presidential speeches (1995-1998). The first section is organized as follows: Chapter 1 presents the “Escola Paulista de Sociologia” (São Paulo’s School of Sociology) and Cardoso’s role on the research project Economia e Sociedade: Análise Sociológica do Subdesenvolvimento (Economy and society: sociological analysis of underdevelopment); Chapter 2 deals with Cardoso’s arrival at the public scene, his exile, the change in his intellectual agenda, the building of CEBRAP and his relationship with MDB; last, Chapter 3 focuses on the joys and disappointments in his political career, discussing the political trajectory that led to his election as President. Section II uses content analysis to understand the sense in the discourse adopted by the President and its relationship with his intellectual trajectory, and is divided in three chapters dealing separately with different dimensions of his discourse (Chapter 4 – State and Society Dimension, Chapter 5 – Economic Dimension and Chapter 6 – Political Dimension). The main hypothesis – confirmed in the final remarks – is that, in his discourse, Cardoso relies on his sociological background; also, that his speeches – although renewed and dealing with up-to-date issues – bear great proximity with the issues he dealt with back in the 1960s, in the research project Economia e Sociedade / Doutor

This study investigates the use of the first-person personal pronoun ‘I’ in political discourse and, more specifically, the functions of Represented ‘I’ and Situated ‘I’, including subcategories, present in Joe Biden’s speeches. A corpus was compiled, consisting of 12 speeches that brought up the topic of the war in Ukraine. The aim of the analysis was to examine the frequency of the pronouns in the speeches and their functions. The study is based on categories from Roitman’s (2014) and Albalat-Mascarell and Carrió-Pastor’s (2019) research on presidential debates. The results reveal that Represented ‘I’ is the most frequent use of the pronoun, which presents speakers as politicians in the real world rather than positions them in the discursive situation, as in the case of Situated ‘I’. Since Situated ‘I’ was categorized only with regard to the discursive verbs of the current discourse, it might have contributed to the big difference in frequencies between Represented ‘I’ and Situated ‘I’.

Une nation est toujours fondée sur des mythes. Aux États-Unis, le président est le « conteur-en-chef » de ces récits sacrés qui ont pour fonction de donner du sens à l’existence de la communauté nationale. Cette thèse propose d’examiner dans quelle mesure la rupture dans l’imaginaire collectif que représente la fin de la guerre froide a engendré une nouvelle rhétorique de la mythologie nationale dans les discours présidentiels. Pour cela, nous nous appuierons sur l’étude de métaphores qui, comme l’ont démontré l’analyse critique du discours et la linguistique cognitive, nous informe sur les croyances collectives d’une société. Dans une première partie, nous nous focaliserons sur les mythes de la vertu et du bien, plus particulièrement sur le langage religieux qui s’est développé dans la période post-guerre froide, et sur la valeur de liberté qui demeure fondatrice de l’identité américaine, mais dont la définition évolue et souligne davantage le libre arbitre de l’individu par opposition au destin manifeste collectif fondé sur la prédestination calviniste. Ces mythes de vertu servent de justification morale à une rhétorique de la puissance et de la force qui fera l’objet de notre analyse dans notre seconde partie. Nous montrerons combien la permanence du récit de guerre et les nombreuses métaphores guerrières rendent compte d’un système de représentation du monde qui donne une signification mythique à la violence. Enfin, dans une troisième partie, nous verrons que seul le récit héroïque illustre l’alliance de la puissance et de la vertu et constitue finalement la trame narrative essentielle du mythe national de l’ère post-guerre froide. Nous conclurons sur la proposition que, si la fin de la guerre froide a favorisé le développement du mythe héroïque dans les discours présidentiels, celui-ci est enraciné dans la rhétorique de Ronald Reagan qui représente le point de rupture le plus significatif dans la production de la mythologie nationale récente ainsi que le point de départ de tout un cycle idéologique et politique. / Nations are based on myths, and in the United States, it is the president who is the “storyteller-in-chief” of those sacred stories whose function is to give sense to the existence of the national community. This dissertation offers to examine to what extent the end of the Cold War, which represents a breaking point in the mental representation of the nation, has produced a new discourse in national mythology in presidential speeches. Our research will focus more specifically on the notion that metaphors inform us on the shared beliefs of a given society as cognitive linguistics and critical discourse analysis have largely demonstrated. In our first part, we will concentrate on the myths of virtue and good, and more particularly on the use of religious language which has greatly increased over the period, and on the value of “freedom” that has remained the founding value of the American identity but whose definition has evolved to underline the notion of free will of individuals as opposed to the collective Manifest Destiny rooted in Calvinistic predestination. These myths serve as moral justifications to the rhetoric of power and strength that will be the object of our second part. We will show how the steady presence of war narratives and war metaphors ascribe mythical meaning to violence. Finally, in our third part, we will see how only the heroic narrative illustrates the fusion of the myths of power and virtue and actually constitutes the essential narrative framework in post-Cold War presidential speeches. We will then conclude on the proposition that while the heroic myth may have been fostered by the end of the Cold War, it originated in the rhetoric of Ronald Reagan that might be the most significant breaking point and the beginning of an entire new ideological and political cycle.

Virtually all studies on the presidential use of metaphor focus on one particular event and speech. These studies look only at speeches that justify military actions after they have already occurred, and these researchers seek to discover a relationship between the use of the metaphor and the public's support of a military action. In order to analyze the persuasive elements of President Franklin Roosevelt's rhetoric in developing popular and Congressional support for war preparation, this study seeks to answer three specific questions. To what extent does Franklin Roosevelt develop a common theme in selected speeches of war preparation immediately prior to World War II? To what extent was Roosevelt's development of this theme persuasive to the American public? What consequences can be anticipated if future presidents or speakers for social movements employ these procedures.

No description available.

Ce mémoire propose d'étudier la portée des discours présidentiels sur l'essor d'une nation. Plus précisément, cette recherche explore les pratiques rhétoriques par lesquelles Nicolas Sarkozy, à titre de Président de l'Union européenne du 1er juillet 2008 au 31 décembre 2008, a tenté de raviver l'intérêt de la population française pour le développement de l'Europe. Nous considérons, dans un premier temps, le contexte politique particulier qui précède la nomination de Nicolas Sarkozy en juillet 2008 ainsi que les deux crises internationales majeures qui ont ponctué sa présidence. Nous explorons ensuite comment la littérature scientifique sur la rhétorique présidentielle en temps de crise peut nous permettre de comprendre la portée de ses discours sur un auditoire français quelque peu désabusé des questions de politique européenne. Après avoir sélectionné et justifié le choix des cinq discours présidentiels de notre corpus, nous introduisons notre méthode d‟analyse basée sur l'approche rhétorique de la « Close textual analysis ». Nous présentons enfin nos analyses qui mettent en évidence les principaux procédés rhétoriques des cinq discours de notre corpus. En conclusion, nous considérons comment ces différents procédés rhétoriques peuvent contribuer à l'essor de la communauté européenne. / This thesis studies the impact of presidential communication on the rapid development of a nation. More precisely, this study explores the rhetorical practices in which Nicolas Sarkozy, by being the President of European union from July 1st to December 31th, has attempted to revive the interest of the French population on European development. Firstly, we examine the particular politic context that precedes the nomination of Nicolas Sarkozy in July 2008 and the two main international crisis which has punctuated his presidency. Then, we explore how scientific literature on the presidential rhetoric in time of crisis can contribute to understand the impact of his speeches on the French audience who is disillusioned about the European politic questions. After selecting and justifying the choice of five presidential speeches of our corpus, we introduce our analysis method based on the rhetorical approach of the “Close textual analysis”. Following this, we present our analyses which highlight the main rhetorical process existing in the five speeches. To conclude, we examine how these different rhetorical processes contribute to establish the rapid development of a European community.

Presidents are said to exert their influence mainly through addressing the public and public speaking. Setting the media agenda is considered as one of the presidents' main strategic powers. Although the contemporary Czech president Václav Klaus enjoys substantial media attention, it is not granted that the media report on everything he says and emphasises. This research focuses on the interaction between presidential speeches at important occasions, represented by the 1 January, 28 October, and 17 November address, and the media represented by three nation-wide dailies Mladá fronta DNES, Právo and Blesk. The time span of the research is 2007 to 2011. The analysis seeks to examine how often were the presidential speeches reported by the media, and which particular topics from them generated press coverage. The results show that the media were mostly attracted by the 1 January address, while the 17 November speech received least attention. It has also emerged that the media reporters have been choosing selectively which topics from the speeches to cover. The scope of the space dedicated to each of the topics by the president in his speeches has not been reflected by the journalists. Therefore, significant differences in the topical priorities between the presidential and media agenda were...

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:35:17Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2009-08-21Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T20:07:01Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 prando_ra_dr_arafcl.pdf: 9642070 bytes, checksum: eb0a2b72fa3fa8a6ce79fcc4fe9a298c (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / A presente tese intitulada Fundamentos e circunstâncias: as palavras do Presidente Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995-1998) resulta de uma pesquisa acerca da trajetória intelectual, da vida pública e da carreira política de Fernando Henrique Cardoso, bem como da análise de conteúdo de seus discursos presidenciais no primeiro mandato. O texto é estruturado em duas seções: Parte I Fundamentos e Circunstâncias e Parte II As palavras do Presidente: análise de conteúdo dos discursos presidenciais (1995-1998). Em Fundamentos e Circunstâncias, há o Capítulo 1, que versa sobre a Escola Paulista de Sociologia e da participação de Fernando Henrique Cardoso no projeto de estudos Economia e Sociedade: análise sociológica do subdesenvolvimento; no Capítulo 2, trata-se da chegada de Fernando Henrique Cardoso à vida pública, seu exílio, a mudança de agenda intelectual, a constituição do CEBRAP e sua relação com o MDB; e, o Capítulo 3, focaliza as alegrias e desventuras da vida política, trazendo à tona sua trajetória políticopartid ária até sua eleição para Presidente da República. Na Parte II As palavras do Presidente: análise de conteúdo dos discursos presidenciais é utilizado o recurso da análise de conteúdo para compreender o sentido discursivo adotado pelo Presidente da República e suas relações com sua trajetória intelectual. Há, portanto, nesta seção, o Capítulo 4, Dimensão Estado e Sociedade; o Capítulo 5, Dimensão Econômica e o Capítulo 6, Dimensão Política. A hipótese principal confirmada nas considerações finais - é que, no plano discurso, Fernando Henrique Cardoso recorre à uma legitimação alicerçada sobre sua formação sociológica e que estes discursos embora renovados e tratando de assuntos hodiernos - guardam enorme proximidade em relação às temáticas tratadas no projeto Economia e Sociedade, da década de 1960 / This thesis is based on an extensive research conducted by the author on the intellectual trajectory, the public life and the political career of Fernando Henrique Cardoso, as well as on the content analysis of Cardoso s presidential speeches in his first term as President of Brazil (1995-1998). The text is structured in two major sections: Part I Fundaments and Circumstances and Part II The Words of the President: content analysis of the presidential speeches (1995-1998). The first section is organized as follows: Chapter 1 presents the Escola Paulista de Sociologia (São Paulo s School of Sociology) and Cardoso s role on the research project Economia e Sociedade: Análise Sociológica do Subdesenvolvimento (Economy and society: sociological analysis of underdevelopment); Chapter 2 deals with Cardoso s arrival at the public scene, his exile, the change in his intellectual agenda, the building of CEBRAP and his relationship with MDB; last, Chapter 3 focuses on the joys and disappointments in his political career, discussing the political trajectory that led to his election as President. Section II uses content analysis to understand the sense in the discourse adopted by the President and its relationship with his intellectual trajectory, and is divided in three chapters dealing separately with different dimensions of his discourse (Chapter 4 State and Society Dimension, Chapter 5 Economic Dimension and Chapter 6 Political Dimension). The main hypothesis confirmed in the final remarks is that, in his discourse, Cardoso relies on his sociological background; also, that his speeches although renewed and dealing with up-to-date issues bear great proximity with the issues he dealt with back in the 1960s, in the research project Economia e Sociedade

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:27:59Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2013-02-07Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T20:17:38Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 leite_lab_me_mar.pdf: 608719 bytes, checksum: 8c27df7689bda7303a0bfbc2f8485bd7 (MD5) / Este trabalho busca compreender a evolução da narrativa do inimigo por meio da análise dos discursos presidenciais norte-americanos como o State of the Union – e outros selecionados tematicamente – entre os anos de 1989 e 2009, correspondentes aos governos de George H. W. Bush, Bill Clinton e George W. Bush. Para tanto, usaremos das proposições teóricas de autores pós-estruturalistas como David Campbell e Robert Walker, além de utilizar a estrutura de pesquisa proposta por Lene Hansen. Junto à análise discursiva, abordaremos as principais questões de Segurança no período proposto como forma de alusão às representações do inimigo e de forma a enriquecer o trabalho. Nossa hipótese é a de que a mudança, por vezes proposta expressamente por alguns presidentes e autores de estudos sobre os Estados Unidos, é na verdade uma adaptação de discursos recorrentes na condução da política norteamericana. Dessa forma, buscaremos analisar quais os elementos centrais e dissonantes para o período em questão. / This work seeks to comprehend the evolution of the narrative of the enemy through the analysis of American presidential speeches such as the State of the Union – and other selected thematically – between the years of 1989 and 2009, corresponding to the governments of George H. W. Bush, Bill Clinton and George W. Bush. For this, we use the theoretical propositions of poststructuralist authors as David Campbell and Robert Walker, and also the analytical structure proposed by Lene Hansen. Along the discursive analysis, we discuss the main security issues of the period proposed as a way of alluding to the representations of the enemy, in order to enrich the work. Our hypothesis is that change, sometimes explicitly proposed by some presidents and authors of studies on the United States, is actually an adaptation of recurrent speeches in the conduct of U.S. policy. Thus, we try to analyze the core and discordant elements for the period in question.