No / The first round of Uruguay's presidential election on 31 October 1999 produced an unprecedented result. Tabaré Vázquez, candidate of the centre¿left coalition Encuentro Progresista¿Frente Amplio (EP¿FA), won a plurality of votes, but fell short of outright victory. Therefore, for the first time in a Uruguayan presidential contest, a second round was held, on 28 November 1999. This returned a no-change verdict, with the presidency remaining in the hands of the Partido Colorado (PC). Finally successful in his fifth attempt to become President, Jorge Batlle led a centre¿right coalition to victory over Vázquez, by 54.1% to 45.9%. The elections were also characterised by a very high turnout: 91.8% of the electorate went to the polls. The success of EP¿FA in the first round led to frantic negotiations between traditional rivals on the right, the PC and the Partido Nacional (PN).1 The dealing and discussion continued right up to the date of the second round; finally the coalition was able to block Vázquez's path to the presidency. Despite their ultimate defeat, these were the best results for the centre¿left since 1971. The EP¿FA won 40 out of 99 seats in the lower house, the Chamber of Deputies. However, although the centre¿left Nuevo Espacio (NE) won four seats and could arrive at an understanding with EP¿FA, the right still controls the lower house with 33 PC and 22 PN deputies. The distribution of Senate seats is similar: the EP¿FA is the largest party, with 12 seats, but can be outvoted if the PC (10 seats) and PN (7 seats) combine. The NE won the single remaining seat of the 30-member Senate.

With the media competition coming with Taiwan democracy, it is easy for Taiwanese to search for relevant political information, and the presidential election of Taiwan Election In 2000¡Xthese are all the motivations deriving me to do the research. Here I want to discuss some phenomena from three dimensions with survey. This discourse tries to observe the candidate¡¦s image changes when a crowner was happened in presidential election of Taiwan Election In 2000. Based on theory of ¡§ perceiver - determined principle ¡¨ to analyze relationship among voters¡¦ emographic variables, media behavior and candidate¡¦s image in voters ¡¦mind. Then the study tries to find how the voters¡¦ candidates image how to affect voting decision. In this study, I got the data with trend study. With three times survey data, the study finds that: First, the candidate¡¦s image which in voter mind that can divide into two dimensions: one is ¡§political related characteristics ¡¨, another is ¡§political irrelevant characteristics¡¨. Second, candidate¡¦s image in voters¡¦ mind will affect they judge candidate issue. Third, voters¡¦ demographic variables have relationship with candidate¡¦s image, especially in party. Forth, the candidate¡¦s image in voter mind will change when a when a crowner was happened in election. Final, voters¡¦media behavior and election involvement will affect candidate image in their mind. Besides that, it also finds that voters who have good image on a candidate that they will vote to him. So there is a relation between voting and voters¡¦ candidate image.

Study on how fair and balanced the three cable news networks were in their coverage of the 2012 presidential election.

The intention of this study is to examine the public image of George Wallace in the 1968 presidential campaign from its earliest inception to its general acceptance and at the same time, to determine if this image contributed to his defeat at the polls. The study will seek to be an interpretative rather than exhaustive historical research summary and will attempt to view Wallace's image from as an objective posture as possible.

Why did Americans vote for Donald Trump in the 2016 Presidential election? Social scientists have proposed a variety of explanations, including economic dissatisfaction, sexism, racism, Islamophobia, and xenophobia. The current study establishes that, independent of these influences, voting for Trump was, at least for many Americans, a symbolic defense of the United States’ perceived Christian heritage. Data from a national probability sample of Americans surveyed soon after the 2016 election shows that greater adherence to Christian nationalist ideology was a robust predictor of voting for Trump, even after controlling for economic dissatisfaction, sexism, anti-black prejudice, anti-Muslim refugee attitudes, and anti-immigrant sentiment, as well as measures of religion, sociodemographics, and political identity more generally. These findings indicate that Christian nationalist ideology—although correlated with a variety of class-based, sexist, racist, and ethnocentric views—is not synonymous with, reducible to, or strictly epiphenomenal of such views. Rather, Christian nationalism operates as a unique and independent ideology that can influence political actions by calling forth a defense of mythological narratives about America’s distinctively Christian heritage and future.

Dissertation (LLM)--University of Pretoria, 2013 / Centre for Human Rights / LLM / Unrestricted

This thesis describes the circumstances surrounding the presidential election of 1864, including the Civil war and the divided Republican party.

This study explores the construction of the Indonesian Presidential candidates’ image during the 2014 presidential election from the perspective of Facebook users. I analyzed Facebook users’ comments derived from one of the candidate’s Facebook pages, Prabowo Subianto, by employing a thematic analysis to examine an official posting’s comments on June 19, 2014 where a group of celebrities supported Prabawo Subianto. Comments were extracted from June 20, 2014 to July 8, 2014, which was 20 days before election day. Results indicated that the construction of a candidate’s image involved the relationship between the perceived attributes of the candidate and national identity; the relationship between the candidate and his supporters; the perceived personality traits of the candidate, and the ability of supporters to identify with the candidates on a personal level. Moreover, there were also inferences related to political scandals, their treatment by other politicians, spiritual values, and the future state of the country. The study also showed how users tried to make sense of their political world by simplifying the complexity of a candidate through the use of particular themes.

Shows like The Daily Show with Jon Stewart, The Colbert Report, Politically Incorrect with Bill Maher, Saturday Night Live, and even South Park represent an underresearched subfield of discourse about political communication and persuasion. These shows manage to reach audiences not traditionally known for high levels of political engagement and draw them in with their comedic framework. This thesis investigates the impact of televised political satire on public perceptions of presidential candidates and campaign issues and the direct result these impacts may have on presidential elections. This thesis first gives some background in the types of communication and personalities of the front-men and women of these shows and then moves into a historical account of how the exigence for this recent explicit hybridization between comedy and news emerged. It then analyzes how these comedians view their own role within media and politics. It provides a thick account of the liberalizing force televised political satire has been for the American political climate so far, and where it will likely lead us in the near future with the growth of new communication technologies.

ABSTRACT The purpose of the thesis is to investigate the differences of the political advertising strategy in television commercials among three major candidates in the Year 2000 Presidential Election in Taiwan, including the video-style and relevance between the electoral adverting strategy and the performance. After analyzing the video-style of the three major candidates, firstly, I found they centered on projecting candidates¡¦ their own image. Secondly, they attacked the opponents¡¦ personal feature. My analysis concludes that the political advertising strategy in the Year 2000 Presidential Election in Taiwan can called ¡§compared strategy¡¨. Bian-camps consolidate his strength and supply his weakness with his TV. commercials. Soong-camps were directed to project his image; Lien-camps had no the consistency between the political advertising strategy and the spot. Last but not least, there is no conclusion for the proper amount of ads in campaign. Statistically speaking, in recent years, the mainstream idea for the content of the advertisements in U. S. is more issue-oriented, whereas the major idea in Taiwan is image projection. On the other hand, in Taiwan, the lengths of ads are getting shorter and shorter and the manipulations of the party symbols are as popular as it was in the past.