Zusammenfassung Die Diplomarbeit beschäftigt sich mit der Problematik der Nomination und Registration der Kandidaten für die tschechische Präsidentenwahl. Im Jahre 2012 genehmigte das Parlament eine Änderung der Verfassung, die die Wahl des tschechischen Präsidenten auf die direkte Wahl änderte. Im Zusammenhang damit kamen viele Fragen über die Nomination und Registration der Kandidaten für die Funktion des Präsidenten. Diese Fragen musste man nicht lösen, weil das Recht auf die Nomination des Kandidaten neu die Bürger bekamen, die eine Petition mit den Unterschriften mindestens 50.000 Bürger mit dem Wahlrecht vorlegen. Die Diplomarbeit bemüht sich diese Probleme zu analysieren und ihre Lösung vorzuschlagen. Nach dem Einführungsteil über die Geschichte der Anträge auf die direkte Wahl im tschechischen Verfassungssystem und nach der Rekapitulation der anderen Rechtsvorschriften, laut den man in einigen Fällen (Kandidatur der unabhängigen Kandidaten in den Komunal- oder Senatwahlen, bzw. Gründung einer neuen politischen Partei) eine Petition mit einer bestimmten Anzahl der Unterschriften vorlegen muss, folgt gerade dieser analytischer Anteil. In dieser Diplomarbeit beschäftigt sich der Autor z.B. damit, auf welche Art und Weise bei der ersten tschechischen Präsidentenwahl das Innenministerium die...

El presente artículo tiene como objetivo analizar la cobertura periodística de los diarios Expreso y Diario Uno sobre la manifestación en contra de Keiko Fujimori previo a la segunda vuelta electoral en 2016. Se conoce que ambos periódicos presentan una línea editorial opuesta entre ellos. Se utilizó como método el análisis de contenido de una muestra de 32 notas que salieron entre el día del anuncio de la marcha, la fecha en la que se llevó a cabo y el día posterior a este. Como resultado se encontró que Expreso dedicó menos espacio a informar sobre este hecho y solo lo mencionó por medio de la participación de Pedro Pablo Kuckzynski. En cuanto a Diario Uno, el tono con el que trató este hecho noticioso se caracterizó por ser favorable, además de brindarle espacio a fuentes cercanas al colectivo “No a Keiko”, principal promotor de la manifestación. / The purpose of this article is to analyze the journalistic coverage of the Expreso and Diario Uno newspapers on a demonstration against Keiko Fujimori prior to the second round of elections in 2016. It is known that both newspapers have an opposite editorial line between them. The content analysis of a sample of 32 notes that came out between the day of the anouncement of the protest, the protest, the day it was realized and the day after it. As a result, it was found that Expreso dedicated less space to report on this fact and only mentioned it through the participation of Pedro Pablo Kuckzynski. As for Diario Uno, the tone with which it dealt with this news event was characterized by being favourable, in addition to providing space to closer sources of the collective “No a Keiko”, the main promoter of the demonstration. / Tesis

This thesis focuses on the impressions, the news outlets presented to their readers about the presidential candidates, of the 2019 elections in Slovakia. The core of this thesis is a quantitative content analysis of the press releases, referring to the candidates. Our analysis covers the news in five Czech media sites: Aktualne.cz, Echo24.cz, iROZHLAS.cz, Mladá Fronta DNES and Právo. The analytical part is preceded by the theoretical basis and methodological fundamentals. The theoretical segment focuses on phenomenons such as the entrenching of the media outlets' agenda, the concept of reporting or news values or the condition of the journalistic objectivity. Ensuing chapters focus on the journalistic resources, the relationship of the media and the politicians and also reporting stereotypes. This theoretical part will later serve as a basis for research queries and hypotheses, formulated in the methodological section. This part then introduces the overall design of the research and it also contains a general characteristics of the media organisations. Next is the analytical part which includes several introductory pages, that offer an insight into the presidential elections. The research then analyses the sources the media used when reporting about the candidates, what impression did the...

This diploma thesis deals with the spread of manipulative, propagandistic and fake news in the Internet online environment. The spread of disinformation also occurred during the Czech presidential election, which took place in January 2018. This disinformation was spread mainly by the so-called alternative media, which are often associated with the spread of Russian propaganda. The aim of this thesis is to analyze the disinformation and its dissemination, the means used and forms of disinformation in the specified time period from November 2017 to March 2018 on selected news portals through qualitative textual analysis. In the theoretical part of this thesis, we present a comprehensive and detailed theoretical overview of disinformation and propaganda, its goals, aspects of dissemination, the resulting effect and possible ways how to defend against them. Similarly, we mention the individual steps of pragmalinguistics, which is theoretical basis for our research. In the empirical part of the work, we analyze the media content of five selected news sites, which we structurally divide according to individual media. At the end of our thesis we found out that there was a demonstrable spread of misleading,

Some of the strongest predictors of voting for Donald Trump in the 2016 presidential election were Christian nationalism and antipathy toward Muslims and immigrants. We examine the interrelated influence of these three factors on Americans’ intentions to vote for Trump in 2020. Consistent with previous research, Christian nationalism and Islamophobia remained strong and significant predictors of intention to vote for Trump; however, the effect of xenophobia was stronger. Further, xenophobia and Islamophobia significantly and substantially mediated the effects of Christian nationalism. Consequently, though Christian nationalism remains theoretically and empirically distinct as a cultural framework, its influence on intending to vote for Trump in 2020 is intimately connected to fears about ethnoracial outsiders. In the penultimate year before Trump’s reelection campaign, the strongest predictors of supporting Trump, in order of magnitude, were political party, xenophobia, identifying as African American (negative), political ideology, Christian nationalism, and Islamophobia.

Diploma thesis is focused on the support of Latinos voters for Donald Trump in the 2020 presidential election. Hispanics in general are more supporters of the Democratic Party, so the increased support for Donald Trump proclaimed in media after the election has been surprising for many experts and public especially regarding Trump's rhetoric and his attacks on some Hispanic prominent figures. In the thesis, I discuss whether Donald Trump gained more Latinos support in the election. I argue that Donald Trump gained more Latino support in the election. The thesis is confirmed in the theoretical and practical part based on an analysis of composition of the Hispanic electorate, pre-election, and post-election surveys and through the analysis of counties with at least 70% concentration of Hispanic population. The thesis also deals with Donald Trump's election campaign and the motivation of Latinos to vote for the Republican candidate. Donald Trump tried to reach out Hispanic voters more than in 2016 through greater funding of political spots, greater representation of Latinos in the election team, debates targeting Latinos voters and other initiatives. These moves were symbolic rather than practical in nature. The voting of Latinos for Donald Trump was probably influenced by external factors - the...

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This research answers the question, "What impact did the 2000 election have on low-income African American voters and how will it affect turnout in future elections?" The analysis focuses on the predominantly black, low-income community of Parramore and examine issues of efficacy related to the 2000 presidential election and beyond. The analysis consists of survey distributed through various community service agencies and conducted door-to-door in Parramore. Respondents were asked a series of questions related to past voter participation, trust in government, the fairness of the 2000 election and perceived future participation. The responses of the survey were compiled into a dataset and controlled for race. These data were then compared with the 2000 National Election Studies (NES) dataset to determine whether the attitudes in Parramore reflected a national trend. The analysis showed that nationally, a majority of whites rated the 2000 election as fair and the majority of blacks called it unfair. Additionally, blacks have a much lower level of trust in the federal government than whites. Historical voting data from NES shows that blacks have lower levels of participation than whites and increases in participation have occurred only in years when the ballot featured presidential candidates who were perceived either very positively or very negatively by the black population. Through use of the NES feeling thermometer, the data show that in 2000, blacks were largely motivated by their distrust and fear of the Republican candidate, George W. Bush. The feelings of disenfranchisement resulting from the election have negatively affected feelings of efficacy among blacks, meaning they will be less apt to participate in future elections.