1 Abstract: The division of state authority ilustrated on the example of the Czech Republic and French Republic with the focus on the position of the head of the state Key words: separation of state authority, constitutional laws, the legislative, the executive, the judiciary, the head of state, presidential system, parliamentary system Abstrackt: This thesis addresses the historical separation of state authority which is illustrated on the example of the Czech Republic and French Republic, especially on the position of the head of the state. The goal is to identify the identical and differing characteristics of the presidential status of both republics. The thesis is divided into three chapters and into a sub-chapters. The first chapter explains the development of the decomposition of the state authority from the first theoretical thoughts to the practical incorporation into the political system. The Second chapter describes in separate sub-chapters, the division of the state authority in Czech Republic and France. Third chapter is dedicated to the position, mandate, election and the competencies of the head of the state in both countries. Subsequently the gathered information is summarized in a sub-chapter, where the identical and differing characteristics of both presidential functions is discussed.

This diploma thesis deals with examination of research activities of selected research organizations regarding the historically first direct elections of the president of the Czech Republic. This is done with the use of pre-election surveys realized in connection with presidential elections in the United States of America. The thesis ponders whether the phenomenon of direct elections will be positively accepted not only by Czech Citizen but also by local research organizations. The aim of the presented diploma thesis is the evaluation of Czech presidential surveys and their main methods through the comparison with models from the United States of America. The subsidiary goal is the investigation of prevailing traditions in the Czech Republic and the lack of resources which cause resistance against potential research development in the Czech Republic. At last but not least the thesis evaluates how presidential polls might influence the public opinion. This thesis is divided into five chapters. The first one investigates the election system and polls in the Czech Republic. Next chapter deals with the election system and polls in the United States of America. Chapter three focuses on the comparison of research approaches in the Czech Republic and the United States of America. The fourth chapter presents the...

Depuis ses origines, la Colombie a souvent eu des gouvernants dont l’exercice du pouvoir n’a pas toujours visé le bien-être des citoyens sous toutes ses formes. Un clair exemple de cela, c’est la pratique concernant le choix de ceux qui assument des fonctions diplomatiques qui par règle générale n’accomplissent pas les demandes de capacités exigées pour une telle responsabilité ; il s’agit plutôt des personnes proches du haut pouvoir et qui reçoivent ces nominations comme faisant partie d’une rétribution de l’État. Le résultat de cette démarche se traduit dans la pratique d’une diplomatie encombrée d’entraves dont les projections pour l’avenir se limitent aux périodes présidentielles en cours. Les représentations stéréotypiques négatives ou l’absence de crédibilité dans la capacité de l’État colombien et de ses fonctionner pour diriger des actions internationales sont le résultat d’un « nanisme auto-imposé » (selon la formule de B. Bagley), résultat de toute une série de méfaits historiques. Par ailleurs, l’absence des capacités de direction des hommes colombiens d’état a contribué à renforcer cette mauvaise image et à créer un état de soumission dans le contexte mondialisé d’aujourd’hui. C’est ainsi que la construction des stratégies de la part des acteurs colombiens engagés dans les affaires internationales pourrait être un repère pour ouvrir des perspectives par rapport à la politique étrangère dans l’oscillation entre la soumission et l’auto-détermination. Le débat concernant le pouvoir discrétionnaire du président de la République dans la prise des décisions internationales et aussi l’existence d’une académie de formation de fonctionnaires diplomatiques, constituent la problématique générale de notre recherche. Dans la mesure où le système présidentiel exercé en Colombie octroie un caractère discrétionnaire au Président, en particulier dans la gestion de la politique extérieure et dans la nomination de ses fonctionnaires, les efforts visant à sélectionner le corps diplomatique possédant les études adéquates, à évaluer leurs services et à améliorer leurs compétences, seraient plus performatifs si l’on dépassait les particularités conjoncturelles pour déboucher sur une politique extérieure enrichissante au service des institutions et des Colombiens. / Colombia from its origins has been characterized to have rulers who do not manage the power looking for the benefit of the majority of citizens. A clear manifestation of this situation is evident in the designation of the diplomats, in general, those who represent the country are not the best and nor the best trained, but the closest to the power. They are the ones to whom, as a reward, and being close to the executive are send as part of the Foreign Service. This situation is translated in the execution of a failed diplomatic work, where there are not any long term planning, but it is limited to the presidential conjuncture. The Colombian bad image or the lack of credibility in the Colombian State capacity and of its functionaries to lead international processes, are the result of a “dwarfism auto-imposed” as an answer of a series of historical failures. The submission condition that the Colombians have reached thanks to the absence of a leadership along the way, and on time. It, has given Colombia a bad image in the global context and an important distance towards the international potential of the country. The construction of a joined strategy among many linked actors with the international topics, could be useful to the country like a reference point to address in the time the foreign policy management that have vacillated between the submission and the auto-determination. The debate between the margins of discretion of the President regarding the foreign taking of decisions and the existence of a diplomatic academy, are the central problem of this research. As far as the presidential system exercised in Colombia grants a discretionary character to the President, in particular in the management of the foreign policy and in the designation of the diplomatic functionaries, the efforts to select the diplomatic corps possessing the adequate studies, to estimate their services and to improve their skills, would be more performative if we exceeded the cyclical peculiarities to uncork in an enriching foreign policy in the service of institutions and Colombians.

Submitted by Arnaldo Junior Mauerberg (arnaldomauerberg@hotmail.com) on 2016-03-28T18:31:34Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Arnaldo_Mauerberg_Jr_PhD_Dissertation.pdf: 3097182 bytes, checksum: 8dfb6d23fd77950858f8311fe545b5c7 (MD5) / Rejected by Pamela Beltran Tonsa (pamela.tonsa@fgv.br), reason: Boa tarde Arnaldo Para que possamos aprovar seu trabalho é necessário alguns ajustes conforme norma ABNT/APA. * O nome da escola dever aparecer apenas assim : FUNDAÇÃO GETULIO VARGAS ESCOLA DE ADMINISTRAÇÃO DE EMPRESAS DE SÃO PAULO Não tem : CURSO DE DOUTORADO EM ADMINISTRAÇÃO PÚBLICA E GOVERNO Nas duas paginais iniciais deve conter apenas : SÃO PAULO 2016 Qualquer duvida estamos a disposição. Att. Pâmela Tonsa on 2016-03-28T18:37:15Z (GMT) / Submitted by Arnaldo Junior Mauerberg (arnaldomauerberg@hotmail.com) on 2016-03-28T19:03:40Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Arnaldo_Mauerberg_Jr_PhD_Dissertation.pdf: 3093972 bytes, checksum: 0d752fdee443ffa4e955f4105c14cc0e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Pamela Beltran Tonsa (pamela.tonsa@fgv.br) on 2016-03-28T19:23:00Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Arnaldo_Mauerberg_Jr_PhD_Dissertation.pdf: 3093972 bytes, checksum: 0d752fdee443ffa4e955f4105c14cc0e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-28T19:53:00Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Arnaldo_Mauerberg_Jr_PhD_Dissertation.pdf: 3093972 bytes, checksum: 0d752fdee443ffa4e955f4105c14cc0e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-02-22 / This doctoral dissertation provides a detailed analysis of the Brazilian cabinet according to the concepts of a multiparty presidential system. Appointing politicians as ministers is one of the most important coalition-building tools and has been widely used by minority presidents. This dissertation will therefore analyze the high-level Brazilian national bureaucracy between 1995 and 2014. It argues that the ministries – or departments – are not equal, and that allied parties therefore take into account the different characteristics of a ministry when demanding positions as a patronage strategy or for use as other kinds of political assets. After reviewing the literature on the theme, followed by a comparative analysis of the Brazilian, Chilean, Mexican, and Guatemalan cabinets, all the Brazilian ministries will be weighed and ranked on a scale that is able to measure their political importance and attractiveness. This rank takes into account variables such as the budgetary power, the ability to spend money according the ministers’ will, the ability to hire new employees, the ministries’ influence over other governmental agents such as companies, agencies, and so on, the ministers’ tenure in office. Finally, a proxy is provided that seeks to identify the normative power a department may hold. All of these characteristics will then be taken into account in considering the representatives’ opinion, thus helping to ascertain whether the cabinet appointment has been coalescent among the several parties that belong to the president’s coalition. / Esta tese de doutorado busca analisar os ministérios brasileiros de maneira detalhada e dentro do escopo do presidencialismo multipartidário. A concessão de cargos de ministros para partidos da base aliada é uma – senão a mais - importante ferramenta utilizada por presidentes minoritários para construir sua colizão de governo. Sendo assim, pretendemos analisar a burocracia do primeiro escalão do poder executivo federal no Brasil entre os anos de 1995 e 2014. Supomos que os ministérios não são iguais entre si, e que os partidos da base aliada levam em conta diferentes características que estes ministérios possuem na hora de realizar suas demandas por patronagem ou por demais tipos de ativos políticos que possam receber. Após uma revisão de literatura sobre o tema e uma análise comparada do gabinete brasileiro com os do Chile, do México e da Guatemala, os ministérios serão classificados em um ranking de importância política que levará em conta sua capacidade orçamentária, sua capacidade de gasto discricionário, seu quadro de funcionários, e, dentro deste último a habilidade que certo ministro têm para indicar afilhados políticos seus para posições dentro do governo, o poder de influência que este ministério possui sobre outros órgãos do governo como agências e empresas estatais, a duração total de tempo que um titular permanece em uma dada pasta e, por fim, o poder de normatizar certos setores econômicos. As características serão ponderadas levando-se em consideração a opinião de deputados federais chaves no processo político nacional e uma vez criado, o ranking nos auxiliará a avaliar se a distribuição de pastas têm sido proporcional para os diversos partidos integrantes da base aliada do governo.

The subject of this thesis is the presidential system as one of the distinguished alternatives of existing political systems in the present democratic society. This thesis is divided into three parts. The primary aim of the first part is to produce a brief overview of individual political systems and to outline their mutual differences through the description of their characteristics. The second part describes a specific political system in this world - namely the United States of America which became the source of inspiration for all subsequently established systems of this type. This part focusing on the United States is then divided into three separate chapters where each of them provides a view of particular branches of the government which form a constitutional system of the state together. These chapters offer not only the characteristics of these particular government branches and their central government bodies, but they also explain their mutual relationship and the control mechanism and particularly their relation to the President who is the key character of the entire presidential system, also his office and his powers. The main source of information, from which this part of the thesis proceeds, is the United States Constitution itself which is, as the supreme law of the state, the...

The purpose of this thesis is to describe V. French Republic, its unique mode of operation and particularly the position of president, as a characteristic symbol of semi- presidential systems. The beginning of the thesis and its first chapter is devoted to historical conditions and circumstances that led to the creation of the Fifth Republic. Afterwards, the work describes basic political institutions of the French system. The second part of the work deals with various theories of the semi-presidential systems and understanding of the French prototype within these definitions. The third chapter then compares the political practice in the United States and France. Likewise it compares the two kinds of presidents in those countries. Finally, the theme of the final chapter is French president's ability to govern as a modern "monarch" within the V. French Republic. Keywords V. French Republic; Semi-presidential system; cohabitation; President; Prime Minister; Political culture; United States of America; constitution