In the present research, I apply a construal level framework to understanding when people gravitate towards all-at-once (e.g., four hours in one day, $100 lump-sum) versus distributed (one hour a day for four days, $20 per month for 5 months) philanthropy. I argue that more abstract construals increase the weight that people place on idealistic concerns, whereas more concrete construals increase the weight that people place on pragmatic concerns, and that people expect allocating time and money in an all-at-once versus distributed manner to satisfy idealistic and pragmatic concerns to different degrees. Chapter 1 of this dissertation focuses specifically on volunteerism and compliance to specific requests (i.e., an all-at-once or a distributed request, but not both). Studies 1 and 2 demonstrated people expected all-at-once and distributed volunteerism to satisfy idealistic and pragmatic concerns, respectively. The final two studies in Chapter 1 showed that situationally induced differences (Study 3) and individual differences (Study 4) in construal level were associated with behavioral compliance to a volunteer request. Specifically, people who adopted a more abstract construal were more likely to comply with an all-at-once (versus distributed) request. Conversely, people who adopted a more concrete construal were more likely to comply with a distributed (versus all-at-once) volunteer request. Chapter 2 explored the role of construal level in compliance with allocated monetary requests. Study 5 demonstrated that people expect all-at-once and distributed donations to satisfy idealistic and pragmatic concerns, respectively. Study 6 demonstrated that a real-world relevant manipulation of construal level influenced behavioral compliance to a donation request. Specifically, people who were led to adopt a more abstract construal were more likely to comply with an all-at-once (versus distributed) request, whereas people who were led to adopt a more concrete construal were more likely to comply with a distributed (versus all-at-once) donation request. Study 7 provided evidence that people’s baseline preference is for all-at-once requests, highlighting the utility of a more concrete construal in increasing receptivity to distributed requests. Finally, although many organizations do not offer a distributed donation option, Study 8 showed that it does not necessarily hurt an organization to include it among the options. However, preliminary evidence is inconclusive as to whether offering distributed contribution option can increase the likelihood and amount that people donate in the long run. Chapter 3 concludes the dissertation with a discussion of the theoretical and practical implications of the findings, as well as potential future research directions. / text

Betrayal trauma theory (see Freyd, 1996) posits betrayal events often require "betrayal blindness" in order to limit awareness or memory of information regarding the betrayal. This occurs in order to maintain a connection that is necessary for survival. BTT may be applied to events that generally would not be considered traumatic, such as adultery or discrimination. In order to maintain connections within relationships, institutions, and social systems upon which there is a dependency, people (acting as victims, perpetrators, and witnesses) may show betrayal blindness. This dissertation consists of two studies investigating betrayal blindness and betrayal trauma history as they relate to charitable behavior. Study 1 included 467 college students at the University of Oregon who completed self-report measures of trauma history and a behavioral measure requesting a hypothetical donation. Contributions were requested for three scenarios that varied in level of betrayal: natural disaster, external genocide, and internal genocide. Results indicated no significant main effects for trauma history or type of event. However, people were less willing to donate to the group of recipients and the genocide conditions at low levels of emotional arousal. Additionally, those who have experienced high betrayal traumas also were less likely to donate at low emotional response values. Given the lack of significant findings in this experiment, a second study was conducted using a repeated measures design. Study 2 involved 634 undergraduate students at the University of Oregon. In addition to the measures from Study 1, participants also completed additional self-report measures assessing trait measures of prosocial tendencies, social desirability, personality, emotion regulation, and betrayal awareness. There were no main effects on charitable behavior for personality traits, prosociality, emotion regulation, social desirability, or betrayal awareness. Significant order effects were observed when comparing the type of event and betrayal level of event. A between-subjects approach revealed people donated less money to the higher betrayal versions of both types of scenarios. Across both studies, increased affect, particularly guilt, was associated with more charitable behavior. Although there are several limitations of these studies, the findings represent an important first step exploring prosocial behavior within a betrayal trauma framework.

While previous research has examined the effect of income on happiness, we suggest that how people spend their money may be as important for their well-being as how much they earn. Specifically, we hypothesized that spending money on others may have a more positive impact on well-being than spending money on oneself. We found converging evidence for this hypothesis in a nationally representative survey (Study 1), a longitudinal study of windfall spending (Study 2), and an experimental study in which participants were randomly assigned to spend money on themselves or others (Study 3). We also found that people believe that spending on themselves, as opposed to others, will make them happier (Study 4) and that happier people were more likely to spend on others and experience higher happiness as result (Study 5). These results demonstrate that spending money on others may facilitate the translation of wealth into well-being.

While previous research has examined the effect of income on happiness, we suggest that how people spend their money may be as important for their well-being as how much they earn. Specifically, we hypothesized that spending money on others may have a more positive impact on well-being than spending money on oneself. We found converging evidence for this hypothesis in a nationally representative survey (Study 1), a longitudinal study of windfall spending (Study 2), and an experimental study in which participants were randomly assigned to spend money on themselves or others (Study 3). We also found that people believe that spending on themselves, as opposed to others, will make them happier (Study 4) and that happier people were more likely to spend on others and experience higher happiness as result (Study 5). These results demonstrate that spending money on others may facilitate the translation of wealth into well-being.

While previous research has examined the effect of income on happiness, we suggest that how people spend their money may be as important for their well-being as how much they earn. Specifically, we hypothesized that spending money on others may have a more positive impact on well-being than spending money on oneself. We found converging evidence for this hypothesis in a nationally representative survey (Study 1), a longitudinal study of windfall spending (Study 2), and an experimental study in which participants were randomly assigned to spend money on themselves or others (Study 3). We also found that people believe that spending on themselves, as opposed to others, will make them happier (Study 4) and that happier people were more likely to spend on others and experience higher happiness as result (Study 5). These results demonstrate that spending money on others may facilitate the translation of wealth into well-being. / Arts, Faculty of / Psychology, Department of / Graduate

Little is known about the complex processes leading to prosocial behavior. However, theories suggests that empathy, empathic responding, and emotion regulation abilities, may all contribute to the presence or absence of prosocial behavior. While theoretical papers demonstrate relationships between these constructs, researchers to date have only focused on small aspects of this complex relationship (e.g., the relationship between sympathy and emotion regulation, the relationship between empathy and prosocial behavior). This study proposed a complex model whereby empathy was both directly related to prosocial behavior and indirectly related to prosocial behavior via sympathy or personal distress. Furthermore, this study proposed an emotion regulation framework for understanding the relation between empathy and prosocial behavior, suggesting that one's emotion regulation abilities would cause a differential presentation of empathic responses, leading to a potential increase or decrease in prosocial behavior. An adult sample was recruited. Analyses were completed using Structural Equation Modeling (SEM). Results indicate that hypothesized model adequately fit the data. All hypothesized associations between variables were significant. However, contrary to the hypothesis, emotion regulation ability did not alter the associations between study constructs. Strengths, limitations, and implications will be discussed. / Master of Science

Envy is an other-oriented but negative emotion; no research has examined the influence of envy on prosocial behavior. Study 1 examined whether envy and gratitude would promote or inhibit prosocial behavior. I hypothesized that envy would result in less helping behavior than a neutral condition, whereas gratitude would increase helping behavior. Results supported the hypothesis that envy inhibits prosocial behavior. There was not enough evidence to suggest that gratitude promoted helping. Study 2 examined how envy and gratitude affected prosocial behavior when participants were given the choice to help or harm others. I hypothesized that experiencing envy would result in greater likelihood of engaging in harmful behavior, but that gratitude would promote more helpful behavior, even when it meant a less positive outcome for participants. The hypothesis that envy increases harming behavior was supported, while there was not enough evidence to suggest that gratitude promoted helping behavior in this scenario.

Witnessing others in need can be felt similarly to experiencing it oneself (empathy) and motivates assistance of those in need (prosocial action). It is well-documented that empathy can occur automatically, but when those in need are not members of a social ingroup, empathy and prosocial action are undermined. One major ingroup—outgroup division in American and in other countries is based on race. Although most condemn racial discrimination, empathy and prosocial action are often lower, however unintentionally, in interracial contexts. In light of this empathy gap, it is important to identify psychological factors that could bolster empathy and prosocial action toward racial outgroup members in need. This dissertation asked whether mindfulness training – cultivating present-centered, receptive attention to one’s ongoing experiences –increases social sensitivity toward racial outgroup members, and is based on pilot research indicating that a brief mindfulness induction increased empathy and prosocial action in such contexts. Healthy, self-identifying White women were randomized to either a brief (4-day) mindfulness training or a structurally-equivalent sham mindfulness training. Pre-post electroencephalographic measures of empathy toward video stimuli of outgroup members expressing sadness was assessed via prefrontal alpha frequency oscillations (i.e., frontal alpha asymmetry). Pre-post scenario-based spontaneous prosocial action toward Black individuals in need, and pre-post 14-day ecological momentary assessment (EMA) of empathy and prosocial action toward Black individuals (and other races) were conducted. Mindfulness training was expected to increase EEG- and EMA-based empathy toward Black individuals in need, as well as increase prosocial action toward such individuals in scenario and daily life (EMA) contexts. Opposite of what was hypothesized, MT reduced post-intervention empathic simulation, relative to ST, as measured by frontal alpha asymmetry. Consistent with hypotheses, however, MT increased empathic concern for outgroup members expressing sadness during video stimuli observation, and increased post-intervention scenario-based prosocial action. However, the hypothesis that MT would predict increases in pre- to post-intervention daily EMA-based prosocial action was not supported. Providing somewhat convergent evidence, trait mindfulness predicted more frequent pre-intervention scenario-based and daily prosocial action toward outgroup members; trait mindfulness was not related to pre-intervention video-based EEG and self-reported empathy outcomes. Together these results suggest that mindfulness can enhance some indicators or empathy and prosocial behavior in interracial contexts. Mechanisms and implications of the findings are discussed.

The purpose of this study was to analyze whether cultural differences existed in forms of aggression and prosocial behaviors among 8 to 10 year old students in Ireland (N=145) and Puerto Rico (N=56) and if the prevalence of these forms of aggression differed between genders. Classroom teachers using the Children’s Social Behavior Scale – Teacher Form (Crick, 1996) rated all students in their classes on relational aggression, physical aggression, and prosocial behaviors. Three 2 (culture) by 2 (gender) analyses of variance were performed on each of the following dependent variables: relational aggression, physical aggression, and prosocial behavior. Teachers reported greater prevalence of relational aggression in Puerto Ricanstudents and greater prevalence of prosocial behavior among Irish students. Nosignificant differences were reported between cultures in physical aggression. Teachersreported higher prevalence of physical aggression among males compared to females andhigher prevalence of prosocial behavior among females when compared to males. Nosignificant gender differences were found in relational aggression. An interaction effectwas found in prosocial behavior with Irish females being higher in prosocial behaviorthan Puerto Rican females and Irish males. This research supports that culturaldifferences exist in relational aggression and prosocial behaviors among 8 to 10 yearviiolds. Gender differences in physical aggression and prosocial behaviors in this agesample were also supported. Future research, and the study's limitations were discussed.

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