Late prehistoric to Protohistoric (ca. A.D. 1200 – 1700) agricultural settlement in the Black Prairie uplands of Mississippi may have been enabled by “seep springs,” water features fed by groundwater discharge in certain geological settings. Ceramic seriation and GIS analysis of archaeological site location shows that over time, sites clustered around areas most likely to have supported springs, a finding supported by the presence of specimens of a moist-ground snail genus at a number of sites. These data indicate that Native settlement in the Oktibbeha County area was influenced by the presence of seep springs.

First excavated in 1938, the site of Muscupiabit (CA-SBR-425/H) has long been a subject of archaeological research in the San Bernardino Mountains. Previous excavations at the site have either been unpublished or limited in scope. A primary goal was to obtain a radiocarbon date for the site, giving a definitive age to the site. Other goals included determining the population size of Muscupiabit as well as the function of the site and its place in the Serrano settlement system. To obtain dateable material, an excavation was conducted in hopes of locating a thermal feature. An intact thermal feature was found and charcoal was recovered. In order to adequately address the proposed research questions, museum collections were used to gain a larger sample size. A large quantity of artifacts had been excavated in the 1980s but were never analyzed. Between those excavations and the 2017 excavations, 7 units were analyzed. Additionally, population records from the Spanish mission system were analyzed to address research questions about population size. Based on a radiocarbon date, shell bead types, and population records, it appears that Muscupiabit was occupied in the late 17th/early 18th century and was likely abandoned by 1815. Despite its location along a trade route, the site does not appear to have been controlling trade. Muscupiabit was intermarried with other villages but it’s level of political independence cannot be determined at this time.

Lyon’s Bluff is an archaeological site covering approximately 25 hectares in Oktibbeha County, MS. Richard Marshall proposed that the site can be divided into two occupations – the eastern area, occupied during the Mississippian period (A.D. 1000- 1540); and the western area, occupied during the Protohistoric period (A.D. 1540-1750). Starting in 1935 several archaeological excavations have taken place at Lyon’s Bluff, but the work has always focused on the eastern area of the site. To test Marshall’s proposal, a series of shovel tests was dug over the site, and 14 one-m2 excavation units were placed on purported house mounds in the western area. Eight of the fourteen excavation units were proven to be on house mounds, with the others being on natural rises. Typological analysis of the artifacts collected showed that the east-west division is speculative and that the entire site was occupied throughout the course of its history.

Notre étude est destinée en premier lieu à l'évaluation paléo démographique des squelettes humains retrouvés sur le site de Pratu Pha afin d'extrapoler le potentiel des ossements humains dans le but de comprendre la nature bio-culturelle des adaptations de la population protohistorique de Pratu Pha. Les caractéristiques squelettiques observées ont été interprétées et comparées avec des données issues des populations squelettiques du Sud et du Sud-est asiatique, et en particulier avec la population protohistorique de Han Chiang (2100 av. J.-C-200 ap. J.-C.), dans le Nord-Est de la Thaïlande. Afin de saisir les possibles tendances micro-évolutionnaires dans la morphométrie squelettique en Thaïlande, certains résultats de recherche effectuée dans le sous-continent indien ont été mentionnés et utilisés dans cette étude avec pour objectif de projeter un possible scénario évolutionnaire en Thaïlande au cours des 5000 dernières années. Les échantillons de Pratu Pha comprennent à la fois des individus mâles et femelles de différents âges. Les deux (sexes) sont probablement présents dans la collection, même si nous ne pouvons pas l'affirmer avec certitude. La population squelettique peut, cependant, être prise comme une représentation transversale de la société disparue. Les observations paléo-pathologiques fournissent. les preuves de la vie quotidienne et des modes de vie des gens. Plusieurs sources de données indiquent que la vie quotidienne était physiquement intense. Même s'il existe des fractures apparues peu avant Je moment de la mort, il n')' a pas d'indications de guerre systématique ou d'autres violences interpersonnelles. Le sous-continent indien fournil un excellent tableau de squelettes humains appartenant à diverses phases culturelles. Ces populations comprennent un riche éventail d'adaptations culturelles, y compris la chasse et la cueillette au Mésolithique, l'urbanisation au Harappan, l'agro-pastoralisme au Néolithique-Chalcolithique, el l'économie de l'Age de bronze au Mégalithique. Les comparaisons transculturelles du cas Indien montrent des différences dans les caractéristiques crâniennes des populations préagricoles et celles des premières agro-pastorales, avec notamment deux changements significatifs dans la morphométrie crânienne. Cette hypothèse, testée avec succès dans les divers si les du sud-continent indien, mérite d'être essayée en Thaïlande. / The study primarily aims for a palacodemographic assessment of human skeletons recovered from the Pratu Pha site in order to project the research potential of human bones for understanding the nature of bio-cultural adaptations of the protohistork Pratu Pha population. The observed skeletal features are interpreted and compared with available skeletal data from South and South-cast Asian skeletal populations, esp. the protohistoric Ban Chiang population (2100 BCE-200 AD) of Northeastern Thailand. To understand possible microevolutionary trends in skeletal morphometry in Thailand, some results of research work undertaken for the lndian sub-continent are mentioned and used in this study for projecting possible evolutionary scenario in Thailand for the last 5000 years. The Pralu Pha sample comprises both male and female individuals of varying ages. Both are probably present in the collection, though this cannot be stated with certainty. The skeletal population can be therefore taken as cross-section representation of the bygone society. The palaeopathological observations provide evidence of the daily lives and ways of life of the people. Several lines of evidence indicate that daily life was physically strenuous. While there are occurrences of fractures in these remains, including one possible case of fracture near the lime of death, there are no indications of systematic warfare or other interpersonal violence. The lndian subcontinent provides an excellent array of human skeletal evidence belonging to various cultural phases. These populations include a rich spectrum of cultural adaptations, including hunting and gathering in the Mesolithic, urbanization in the Harappan, agro-pastoralism in the Neolithic ­Chalcolithic, and Iron-Age economy in the Megalithic. Cross-cultural comparisons in the Indian context show differences in cranial features of pre-agricultural and early agro-pastoral populations revealed by two significant changes in cranial morphometry. The hypothesis tested successfully for sites in the Indian sub-continent is worth trying in Thailand.

This study focuses on the causes and consequences of depopulation in the Lower Mississippi Valley during the Protohistoric period (ca. AD 1500-1700). The Protohistoric period in the region is characterized by indirect and infrequent contact between Europeans and Indigenous peoples. Nevertheless, dramatic population losses and/or regional abandonments accompanied the collapse, transformation, and coalescence of Native American societies during this period across the interior southeastern United States. The causes and timing of these phenomena, however, were often multiple and occurred in a time-transgressive manner. The goal of the research presented in this dissertation was the identification of the forces and processes of cultural and demographic change that were responsible for transformation experienced by a Late Mississippian population represented by the Tillar Complex in southeast Arkansas during the Protohistoric period. Multiple lines of evidence, including archaeological, historical and environmental data, were employed to test a multi-causal model of population decline, adaptation, and abandonment of Bayou Bartholomew by Tillar phase peoples sometime during the seventeenth century. The external forces hypothesized to have been catalysts that drove social and cultural transformations and eventual depopulation include the military expedition of Hernando De Soto, disease, and a series of prolonged droughts that impacted large areas of the Southeast in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.

The archaeological record of the Iroquois supports that settlements were regularly relocated during the protohistoric period (1500-1650 A.D.). With the use of Geographic Information Systems (GIS) computer software, archaeologists may analyze variables potentially resulting in or influencing the movement of settlements. Through the use of spatial analysis, I argue that Cayuga Iroquois settlement locations were influenced by the environmental characteristics of their surrounding landscape. Specifically, wetlands are believed to have influenced settlement location choices in central New York state. This study examines the spatial relationships between wetland habitats and protohistoric period Cayuga Iroquois settlements where swidden maize agriculture comprised most of the diet. Considering previous research that has linked the movement of settlements to Iroquois agricultural practices, I hypothesize that wetlands played a significant role in the Iroquois subsistence system by providing supplementary plant and animal resources to a diet primarily characterized by maize consumption, and thereby influenced the strategy behind settlement relocation. Nine Cayuga Iroquois settlements dating to the protohistoric period were selected for analysis using GIS. Two control groups, each consisting of nine random points, were generated for comparison. Distance buffers show the amount of wetlands that are situated within 1-, 2.5-, and 5-kilometers from Cayuga settlements and random points. The total number of wetlands within proximity of these distances to the settlements and random points are recorded and analyzed. The results indicate a statistical significance regarding the prominence of wetlands within the landscape which pertains to the Cayuga Iroquois settlement strategy.

Les études dédiées aux lampes en terre cuite en Gaule et dans l’Empire romain sont relativement abondantes. Depuis le travail fondateur de S. Loeschcke (1919), nous avons aujourd’hui une idée relativement précise des différents modèles qui sont apparus entre la période tardo-républicaine et la fin du Haut-Empire. Toutefois, le luminaire est avant tout considéré, de par la multitude des formes et des décors, comme un objet muséographique ou pédagogique car il représente le mode d’éclairage par excellence de l’Antiquité. En archéologie, il sert de moyen de datation au même titre que la terre sigillée ou les monnaies. Mais on oublie trop souvent que la lampe en terre cuite est d’abord un objet manufacturé, fruit de l’industrie humaine. À cet effet, elle peut fournir de précieuses informations sur l’artisanat antique et plus particulièrement, sur la manière dont les potiers ont réussi à produire un objet qui leur était étranger, sur les problèmes qu’ils ont rencontrés et les solutions qu’ils ont appliquées. L’étude des caractéristiques techniques d’une lampe permet aujourd’hui de tracer la production d’un atelier spécifique et en même temps, grâce à des cartes, d’en définir l’aire de diffusion à différentes échelles spatiales (région, pays). Enfin, l’adoption de cet éclairage artificiel, typiquement méditerranéen, parles populations indigènes, est l’un des facteurs de romanisation que l’on perçoit, le plus souvent, à travers les pratiques funéraires et cultuelles.Ce travail de recherche, novateur, permet de revenir sur ces différentes problématiques dans un espace confiné au Centre-Est de la Gaule. Les résultats obtenus nous ont permis d’identifier différentes entités productrices et leurs réseaux de distribution au cours de diverses phases chronologiques comprises entre le Ier s. av. J.-C. et le IVe s. apr. J.-C. et qu’accompagne une réflexion sur la consommation des lampes en terre cuite durant cette période. / There are quite many articles and monographs dedicated to terracotta lamps in Gaul and Roman Empire. Since the pioneer work done by S. Loeschcke (1919), we have been developing till today, abetter understanding of the lamps that have appeared between the post-republican to the Early Roman empire period. But very often, due to the various shapes and decorated medallions, the lamps are only considered as museum or educational items, because they represent the ultimate lighting mode during Antiquity. In archeology, they are used as a dating tool as well as the terra sigillata or the antique coins.However, we usually forget that the terracotta lamp is a manufactured product issued from the human work and therefore, is able to provide invaluable information on antique craft industry. Through their study, we are able to understand how the Gallo-roman potters have been adapting themselves to the manufacturing of a product they did not know, to new technical challenges and new processes. Also, thanks to the analysis of the technical aspects of the lamp itself we can track the products belonging to the same potters’ workshop as well as we can map the distributed market areas at various scales (regional, country-wide). Finally, the adoption by the local people of this lighting mode that is typically Mediterranean is a clear sign of Romanization, especially through the funeraland religious practices. This innovating study is focusing on these issues within a defined area, the East Central Gaul. The results have enabled the identification of several workshops and their distribution network during the different chronological phases from 1st century BC to 4th century AD and have also opened adevelopment on the way of consuming the terracotta lamps during this period

L'apparition de parures de style oriental (ou « phénicien ») sur des sites chypriotes et égéens entre le XIIe et le VIIe s. av. J.-C. est un phénomène bien attesté. Sélectionnées sur le critère d'une ressemblance visible, on peut dresser une liste de parures, réalisées en or ou d'autres matières telles que le bronze, trouvées sur le continent grec (Tirynthe, Perati) et sur îles égéennes (Crète, Naxos, Kos et Rhodes).Cependant, la nature de ces échanges, qui ne suivent pas un schéma régulier, reste difficile à cerner. D'une part, il existe des parallèles visiblement étroits entre les parures chypriotes et d'autres découvertes en dehors de cette île. Elles semblent être issues de contacts directs entre les régions. L'étude sur leurs modèles de diffusion et d'autres, qui concernent les produits en métal plus que la céramique, permettent d'aller au-delà d'une étude comparative des parures. Ainsi, il s'est avéré que les contextes contenant non seulement des parures mais aussi d'autres objets d'aspect étranger sont relativement fréquents. Outre ce matériel, nous sommes confrontés à d'autres parures qui ne sont comparables que sous réserve. Leur apparence suggère la présence de contacts indirects, donc une circulation d'idées plutôt que d'objets. En ce qui concerne des futures études, les résultats des fouilles récentes menées sur le site postpalatial de Tirynthe se sont avérés particulièrement intéressants. De plus, il faut signaler que la question de l'origine de la fibule pose un problème qui n'a pas encore été résolu. / The appearance of jewellery of Near-Eastern origin at Cyprus and Greece is a well-known phenomenon which we meet also from the 12th to the 7th century BC. Well-known examples made from gold and from bronze were found at the Greek continent (Tiryns, Perati) and at the Aegean islands (Crete, Naxos, Kos, Rhodes).The nature of these overseas exchanges, however, can hardly be determined and does not follow any regular system. At the one hand, there are striking parallels between certain Cypriot pieces of jewellery and other specimens found outside of Cyprus. They seem to be the result of direct contacts. The studies of the contexts to which these objects belong allow us to go beyond the mere documentation of jewellery. Following this approach, it is evident that various tombs contained not only pieces of jewellery, but also other foreign objects. This seems to support our hypotheses about on-going overseas contacts. At the other hand, there are a number of items which appear to be local products inspired from Cypriot art. Obviously, they are the result of indirect contacts or of a spreading of ideas.Regarding future studies about Cypriot or Cypriot-inspired objects, the more recent discoveries made in Tiryns are particularly noteworthy. Furthermore, one has to consider that the problems related to the origin of the fibula, which occurs at the end of the Late Bronze Age, have still not been resolved.