This essay deals with communication of archeology to children. I have interviewed seven persons who work with such communication, authors, guides at excavations, teachers who do time travels and try to dig. My purpose of this essay is to make it clear what is a good method to communicate archeology to children consist of. My issue for this essay is how you make archeology more accessible for children and how to animate to the knowledge of ancient world for children? How do the various methods of passing on knowledge of antiquity? I came to the conclusion that activity and participation are two important factors in teaching archaeology. The methods that worked best in mediating archaeology are time travels and "try to dig projects" with children. Important concepts are communication and public archeology.

Heritage, the “present-centered” use of the past (Ashworth 2007) influences the identities of contemporary citizens (Palmer 2005, Sommer 2009). Grasping the ways in which the production and consumption of heritage takes place is becoming increasingly relevant in a post-Brexit Britain, where the national identity is constantly up for debate. This research asks: what role does heritage tourism play in (re)producing hegemonic national narratives in Glastonbury and Tintagel? And subsequently, what do these narratives say about broader conceptualizations of English identity? Arthurian legend permeates the historical narrative in both locations. According to the legend, King Arthur was conceived and born in Tintagel, and ultimately buried in Glastonbury. Both Glastonbury and Tintagel are located in the southwest region of England and are home to significant national heritage sites. In Glastonbury, heritage sites include Glastonbury Abbey, Glastonbury Tor and the Chalice Well Gardens. In Tintagel, heritage sites include Tintagel Castle, King Arthur’s Great Halls, St. Nectan’s Glen and the Arthurian Centre. Methods for this ethnographic comparative study include classic participant observation, semi-structured interviews, ethnographic photography and archival research. The focus here is on the producers of heritage (heritage management employees, local shop owners and community members) rather than the consumers (tourists and travelers). By using a holistic political economy approach, this research reveals how heritage is both contested and commodified in both Glastonbury and Tintagel. Rather than understanding “authorized heritage discourses” (Smith 2006) as simply the result of hegemonic forces imparted by heritage management organizations, this research reveals the nuances created by the commodification of heritage in both Glastonbury and Tintagel, where tourism plays a significant role in the local economy.

This thesis examines four different public archaeology projects in South Africa, and poses questions related to how archaeology is defined and mediated by educational centres and museums in South Africa. The museums have a rather traditional way of mediating archaeological knowledge to a broader public, but they do include exhibitions that invite visitors to interpret human history themselves. The educational centres, on the other hand, are considered to be a category below the traditional museum, where the content is developed in collaboration with indigenous people, and the knowledge about former peoples is mediated by the indigenous people themselves, as part of an objective to develop employment opportunities for marginalised community groups. While educational centres have developed out of this collaboration with indigenous communities, mueseums were established during the colonial period of South Africa. The educational centres are a collaboration between  experts and non-experts, and have an inclusive approach. Museums, in contrast, develop their content based on the experts´knowledge, for the visitor and not with the visitor. However, it is evident that visitors are intended to have a dialogue with the exhibition. An inclusive approach is preferble, where experts and non-experts are on the same level, show mutual respect for each other, and are open to learning from each other. A significant issue that public archaeologists face is that each public project is unique. This means that new methods and ideas are needed for each project. Four different projects have been visited and examined, and it was found that all four projects were unique in terms of the issues that they faced and in terms of how the professionals solve those problems in specific ways adapted to each unigue project. On the one hand, the question of what a successful public project is or can be remains, but on the other hand, it is clear that a well-established collaboration and an understanding for each other is needed to develop a successful public work. In South African terms a succssesful public work could be termed "Ubuntu archaeology", where the word "Ubuntu" is interpretes as Desmond Tutu put it in 1994, where both parties experience each other as equal.

The Red Tail site (FbNp-10) is a multicomponent habitation site located 2.5 km north of Saskatoon within the boundaries of Wanuskewin Heritage Park. The site was initially tested in the early 1980s and then excavated during the summers of 1988 and 1989 by University of Saskatchewan archaeology field school students, paid crews and many volunteers. Evidence from the site indicates that it was inhabited numerous times, beginning around 4,300 years before present with a McKean occupation, which also included the only Mckean house pit feature found on the Canadian Plains. Other associations with archaeological cultures include Sandy Creek, Besant and Avonlea, revealing that the most recent identifiable occupation to have occurred was between 1,300 – 1,000 years before present. The Sandy Creek component is only the second to be recovered from a site within Wanuskewin Heritage Park. As the longest running archaeological project in Canada, the sites that have been excavated at Wanuskewin have involved a number of volunteers and the success of such a cultural facility would not be possible without the interest of members of the public. The dissemination of information about archaeology to the public has a colourful past in Saskatchewan that began in 1935 with the formation of the Saskatoon Archaeological Society; a group of avocationals who were interested in learning and sharing information about this province’s rich cultural history. Since then, the Saskatchewan Archaeological Society and its associated chapters were formed and awareness for the importance of preserving the past has been communicated through many avenues, including programs that invite members of the public to participate in archaeological opportunities within the province. An examination of these avenues of information sharing demonstrates how important public interest and support is to archaeology and heritage works in Saskatchewan.

Professional codes of ethics and international doctrinal texts recognize the world’s archaeological heritage as the common heritage of all humanity. As such, archaeologists are obligated to share research results, including collections, with the widest audience possible, and the Internet provides exciting ways in which this can be accomplished. As a community, Canadian universities are not at present providing adequate public access to the archaeological collections in their care, particularly via Web-based channels. In this thesis, I argue that Canadian universities should provide improved online collections access. I provided Web-based public access to a sample of the Grand Rapids (Manitoba) Survey collection, and solicited user feedback in the form of an online survey. The results show that a worldwide audience did access the collections, indicating vastly improved access. Survey results imply that a public audience does find archaeological collections interesting, and is capable of learning something from the style of Web presentation used here.

Professional codes of ethics and international doctrinal texts recognize the world’s archaeological heritage as the common heritage of all humanity. As such, archaeologists are obligated to share research results, including collections, with the widest audience possible, and the Internet provides exciting ways in which this can be accomplished. As a community, Canadian universities are not at present providing adequate public access to the archaeological collections in their care, particularly via Web-based channels. In this thesis, I argue that Canadian universities should provide improved online collections access. I provided Web-based public access to a sample of the Grand Rapids (Manitoba) Survey collection, and solicited user feedback in the form of an online survey. The results show that a worldwide audience did access the collections, indicating vastly improved access. Survey results imply that a public audience does find archaeological collections interesting, and is capable of learning something from the style of Web presentation used here.

The Chipola River Valley in northwest Florida is an area of extensive occupation by pre-contact peoples, dating as far back as the Paleo-Indian time period (approximately 11,000 BC). With such a rich archaeological history, it has enticed many local divers to explore river bottoms and collect artifacts. I worked with one local collector to study over 700 projectile points found in the Chipola River. The collector has taken great care to protect and preserve these points and, in many cases, documented the GPS coordinates from where they were collected. Using the GPS coordinates and ArcMap, I have been able to compare where these artifacts were collected to the locations of known archaeological sites which had been previously documented along the Chipola. With this new data set, I used landscape theory to compare prehistoric settlement patterns in the Southeast to the patterns derived from this collection. Overall, this project has documented 80 new sites within the region, filling in areas of the river which previously had no known prehistoric sites. The work also added information for 19 previously-known sites, extending the occupations of some to either later or earlier time periods. Finally, this work can be used to evaluate various models of the early human settlement in the region, specifically the Oasis Model. I hope the success of this project encourages other archaeologists to work with knowledgeable collectors and avocationals to learn more about the archaeological history of different regions.

Denna studie syftar till att undersöka vad som sker i mötet mellan skolans och kulturinstitutionens verksamheter och uppdrag samt hur ett långsiktigt samarbete kan utvecklas. För att besvara och belysa detta valde jag att undersöka samarbetet mellan Uppåkraskolan och Uppåkras arkeologisk center (UAC) som i skrivande stund är i en inledande fas av ett samarbete. För att belysa hur ett välutbyggt samarbete mellan kulturinstitution och skola kan fungera valde jag även att titta på verksamheten som bedrivs på Fredriksdal museer och trädgårdar. Skolan ska verka för externa kontakter för att eleverna ska få insyn i närsamhället och kultur-, arbets- och föreningslivet. Men kontakten handlar inte bara om det fysiska mötet. Det inkluderar även influenser, lagar och olika slags bagage som inte kan förbises och som kan skapa problem om man inte reflekterar över dem, vilket är anledningen till att examensarbetet görs. I teoridelen beskrivs historiebruk, publik historia och publik arkeologi, dels som begrepp men också som företeelser inom skola och kulturinstitution. Jag valde att genomföra semistruktuerade intervjuer av anställd och chef i de respektive verksamheterna samt en kulturpedagog på Fredriksdal. Intervjuerna analyserades kvalitativt och det insamlade materialet kodades. Kodningen skedde genom nyckelord som möjligheter, begränsningar, historiebruk, kommunen och långvarigt samarbete. Resultatet av arbetet visar att såväl skola som kulturinstitution ser många möjligheter men också begränsningar i ett samarbete. Möjligheterna handlar om nya perspektiv på undervisning såsom ämnesintegrering och lokala arrangemang för samhället. Begränsningar berör tiden det tar att planera och genomföra, om drivna personer i verksamheten slutar samt att Uppåkraskolan är en nystartad skola utan rutiner och utarbetade handlingsplaner. Resultatet visar också att de har liten insyn i varandras verksamheter men att de gärna ser att UAC:s verksamhet genomsyrar skolans verksamhet. Verksamheterna ser kommunen som en aktiv del i mötet. Skolan och kulturinstitutionen har förmedling gemensamt i uppdrag och verksamhet.

<p></p><p>The objective of this dissertation is to highlight the way history is taught in Perú, more specifically in Chavín de Huántar. As well as bring to the light the complex dynamics that revolve around this teaching, including the education system and the archaeological, local, and national government policies. This study becomes important in a world where Indigenous Peoples and women continue to be excluded from historical narratives made for the public. The main motivation to conduct this work was the need to decolonize the way history is taught and transform it into an empowering topic that can potentially contribute to a more just world. </p><p>The aim of this research project was to answer the following research questions: (a) What do children in Chavín de Huántar, Perú know about their local past? (b) How do different institutions, organizations, and community members influence such teachings? and (c) How can archaeologists contribute to a more empowering and less oppressive teaching of the past? To accomplish this objective an ethnography of learning with a critical epistemology was conducted during August 2016 and August 2017. This ethnography included participant observation, semi-structured interviews, photo and drawing elicitation with children, and two outreach projects (a summer camp and a teacher workshop). This work also includes a large number of photographs to contextualize the reader and make her/him/they feel more present at Chavín during my research, while I describe the surroundings and circumstances in which learning occurred while I was there. </p><p>This dissertation is divided in seven chapters. Chapter one provides the reader with a literature and theoretical background, while in chapter two I provide a general discussion and context of Chavín de Huántar as a town and as the archaeological UNESCO world heritage site with the same name. Chapter three will be dedicated to describing the methods used throughout this ethnography and applied public archaeological outreach. In chapter four, I begin to answer the proposed research questions. While in Chapter seven I will provide final remarks and conclusions. </p><p>My research and analysis has brought to light that children in Chavín de Huántar have a basic understanding of Chavín as a “Golden-Age”. This time period is promoted by the local and national government to incentivize tourism as well as what most archaeological work is concentrated on. In addition, local and national institutions mostly concentrate on this time period ignoring over 3000 years of local history, with some exceptions, especially the National Museum of Chavín. In addition, the political and communication problems between the town and the archaeological project “Research and Conservation project in Chavín de Huántar” influence strongly the lack of knowledge children and other community members have about the archaeological site. </p><p> </p><p>Although there is a constant blaming among the institutions of whose fault it is that children do not now too much about their history, my research provided evidence that in each one of these institutions there are people willing to work in collaboration in order to benefit children. In chapter six, I will provide details about two projects created and implemented in collaboration: a summer camp and a teachers’ workshop. These projects seemed to be well received in the community but more like them need to continue in order to have sustainable results. However, these projects proved that collaboration is possible and necessary. I conclude this dissertation providing recommendations for numerous stakeholders in Chavín de Huántar and in Perú, including the archaeological project, the municipality of Chavín, the Ministry of Culture, and the Ministry of Education. </p><p></p>

A presente Tese investiga as Políticas Municipais de Gestão do Patrimônio Arqueológico a partir do estudo de caso de dezenas de cidades em vários estados, com suas ações na área, leis e estrutura. Procura, ainda, saber como o patrimônio arqueológico está inserido nas políticas culturais locais e compara as ações de proteção dos sítios arqueológicos com as ações nos demais Bens patrimoniais. Apresenta um estudo jurídico do papel dos entes federativos na proteção do patrimônio arqueológico e cultural, em especial o papel dos municípios, observando o que é estabelecido na Constituição Federal e a jurisprudência de vários processos julgados em várias instâncias do Judiciário. Finalmente, propõe alguns caminhos aos municípios interessados em desenvolver políticas de gestão do patrimônio arqueológico e cultural e disponibiliza material documental de referência nunca antes sistematizado / For this Thesis, based on case studies, the municipal policies for the archeological heritage management are investigated considering actions, legislation and structure of dozens of cities, in different States. The role of the archeological heritage is also investigated, in local cultural policies, and the protection of archeological sites is compared to the protection of other properties. On a legal point of view, the role of federal entities, protecting the archeological and cultural heritage, is studied, specially the role of municipalities, considering what the Federal Constitution establishes and the jurisprudence of different lawsuits adjudicated in the various levels of the Judiciary. This Thesis proposes some solutions for the municipalities aiming the development of cultural and archeological heritage management policies and provides reference material never before systematized