Because the e-government policy carries out, government departments in Taiwan built many Websites to show some government decree information in these years. Besides, for catching on public opinion they open some Online Public Discussion Forum on Website to create communication channel between people and government. In other words, we can say this function as ¡§Electronic Democracy¡¨ or ¡§Digital Democracy¡¨. In addition to this function, I think about whether Online Public Discussion Forum can provide an activity platform for Knowledge Management to promote further some government¡¦s administration policy. This research used ¡§Online Public Discussion Forum of Government Procurement Law¡¨ as case study in view of Knowledge Management process activity about Government Procurement Law¡¦s administration. This research used three perspectives--- administration¡¦s process perspective, Virtual Community¡¦s management perspective, and on-line user¡¦s interaction perspective --- to observe this case study. Moreover, summarize these observation and reference feasibility of Government Procurement Law¡¦s administration in the future to recommend briefly the follow points: 1.Based on quick mobility about Government Procurement¡¦s staff in everywhere government entity, difficultly for expending organization of human resource in order to the government reform, and tendency of Government Procurement system development, I recommend to give priority for codification strategy and secondary for personalization strategy. Moreover, combine process-centred strategy with product-centred strategy to become internet strategy. 2.Integrate transaction-based strategy, systematic strategy and socialized strategy into Knowledge Management strategy for Government Procurement Law¡¦s administration¡G (1) Transaction-based strategy: Recommend to build ¡§Knowledge mapping¡¨. Currently responsible entity (Public Construction Commission, Executive Yuan) promoted ¡§seed teachers¡¨ and add undertaker¡¦s name in the official documents published on Website. Moreover, I suggest classifying and appraising the books, training, seminars and so on about Government Procurement¡¦s topic with the Knowledge Management concept. The way will make users to search information and knowledge conveniently. (2) Systematic strategy: Recommend to attach ¡§Knowledge layer¡¨ to ¡§Data layer¡¨ and ¡§Information layer¡¨ on Website. I suggest that responsible entity reorganize these data and information to present easy-touching knowledge for users. Moreover, cultivate user¡¦s problem-solving and innovation ability by themselves with strengthening invest in information technology and promoting users to use these knowledge, information, data. (3) Socialized strategy: Recommend to build ¡§Knowledge Community¡¨. Currently responsible entity built ¡§Virtual Community¡¨ to create a platform for everywhere users. Moreover, I suggest encouraging users to create and open a variety of ¡§Practice Community¡¨ in their organizations and endowed with Knowledge Worker function. The way can convert Tacit Knowledge among people into Explicit Knowledge and make up ¡§Best Practice¡¨. This reorganized knowledge can transfer and share conveniently. 3.In managing Virtual Community aspect, except for responsible entity playing the role of manager and maintainer, I recommend further to play the role of trigger for Knowledge Management. Moreover, combining performance with Knowledge Worker¡¦s function will encourage employees to do positively Knowledge actively in addition to official-documents everyday. 4.If Management of Procurement Professionals can build classify system in the future, I recommend to implement the appraisal system to understand staff¡¦s knowledge internalization and validate professional ability. Moreover, according to requirement for different users, responsible entity should open different sorts and levels¡¦ ¡§Knowledge Community¡¨. This way can add the depth and breadth of discussion on On-line Forum.

This dissertation applies theories and concepts of wireless communications and signal processing to the security domain to assess the security of a Wireless secret Key Generation (WKG) system against capable eavesdroppers, who employ all the feasible tools to compromise the system’s security. The security of WKG is evaluated via real wireless measurements, where adversary knows and applies appropriate signal processing tools in ordere to predict the generated key with the communicating pair. It is shown that in a broadband stationary wireless communication channel, (e.g. commercial off-the-shelf 802.11 WLAN devices), a capable eavesdropper can recover a large portion of the secret key bits. However, in an Ultra-wideband (UWB) communication, at the same stationary environment, secret key rates of 128 bits per channel probe are achievable. / Graduate

The article analyzes the state of the administrative law institute of public procurement at the present stage, reflects the main problems, focuses on the need to introduce complex contract schemes, presents modern theories and approaches to the modernization of public procurement mechanisms on electronic platforms. In order to improve the institutional and legal regulation in the field of public procurement, new formal institutions are constantly being introduced. Some violation of the legal framework and unstable and chaotic legal framework create the ground for corruption and “control for the sake of control”. The main theory in the field of public procurement is the theory of efficiency which is a political and managerial task for practitioners in the field of public procurement. The legal and regulatory framework governing public procurement should be clear and understandable, promote fairness and eliminate all forms of discrimination and favouritism.The use of an integrated information system to centralize information on public procurement should be recognized as objectively correct and the only correct one. The main problems of electronic trading platforms are: the unclear rental business model; the emergence in procurement of financial relations that are outside the credit and banking regulation; a negative impact on the development of the contract system and corporate procurement, procedural control; etc. Failures of institutional regulation of procurement procedures significantly affect their effectiveness and form a negative public opinion in relation to public procurement. Thus, an effective institutional structure in the field of public procurement on electronic platforms is formed quite slowly, due to the lack of legal entities and government agencies associated with public procurement, appropriate incentives. Fundamental changes in the sphere of public procurement should also contribute to the creation of positive motivation for state and municipal customers. Such promotions should provide the material interest of state customers in budget. / Выпускная квалификационная работа на тему «Административно-правовой институт государственных закупок на электронных площадках: проблемы функционирования и развития» содержит введение, 3 главы, 6 параграфов, включающие 5 рисунков, 2 таблицы, заключение и библиографический список. Научная работа содержит 66 листов машинописного текста, 72 литературных источников. В первой главе «Теоретические основы и исторические предпосылки формирования административно-правового института государственных закупок на электронных площадках» представлена теоретическая база, содержащая понятия и характеристики развития сферы государственных закупок. Во второй главе «Правовое обеспечение административно-правового института государственных закупок на электронных площадках» представлена законодательная основа формирования сферы государственных закупок на электронных площадках, как особенная обеспечивающая деятельность органов государственного управления. В третьей главе «Исследование процесса государственных закупок на электронных площадках» показаны проблемы функционирования административно-правового института государственных закупок. Проведен экспертный опрос как инструмент, позволяющий выявить проблемы в сфере реализации государственных закупок на электронных площадках.

Dans le courant des années 2000, plusieurs Conseils régionaux en Europe ont produit une action publique spécifique sur la démocratie participative (Poitou-Charentes, Catalogne, Rhône-Alpes, Nord-Pas-de-Calais, Toscane…). La thèse analyse de manière comparée les dynamiques d'institutionnalisation des « politiques de participation » menées par deux Conseils régionaux : la Toscane et le Nord-Pas-de-Calais. De prime abord, la comparaison donne à voir des politiques régionales structurées de manière relativement similaire : renforcement de la dimension participative de l'action publique régionale ; soutien à la mise en oeuvre de dispositifs participatifs locaux et mise en oeuvre d'un dispositif de débat publicrégional sur les grands projets d'infrastructures.Adossée à une comparaison transnationale éclairant les processus de circulation desdispositifs et le rôle d'experts de la démocratie participative, la thèse montre que la similarité de ces politiques publiques tient en partie à la circulation de standards internationaux et à l'homologie de position de ces institutions dans l'ordre politico-administratif national. Néanmoins, en prêtant attention au cas particulier de la circulation du modèle du débat public français, dans et entre ces deux Régions, et à son appropriation différenciée, l'analyse amène à relativiser la thèse de la convergence mimétique de ces politiques publiques. Ellesapparaissent en effet différentes au regard de leur structure et des dispositifs participatifs qu'elles produisent.La question de la convergence/divergence de ces politiques régionales est rendue d'autant plus complexe que les acteurs régionaux de ces offres régionales, pris dans les contraintes inhérentes au jeu institutionnel, participent d'une remise quasi-permanente de la politique sur le métier de la réforme. L’analyse révèle alors une mise en institution à la fois ordinaire (élus délégués, fonctionnaires spécialisés, budgets dédiés) et indéterminée de la démocratie participative : les orientations politiques peinent à se définir tandis que les dispositifs sontsans cesse re-questionnés. L'étude sur le long terme de la mise en oeuvre de ces politiques et de leur réforme donne en effet à voir un arrimage institutionnel ambivalent, à la fois durable et toujours en mouvement, autrement dit, inconsistant. / Over the course of the 2000s, several Regional councils in Europe produced specific public policies of participatory democracy (Poitou-Charentes, Catalonia, Rhône-Alpes, Nord-Pas-de-Calais, Tuscany, etc.) This thesis is a comparative analysis of the dynamics of institutionalisation of “participatory policies” held by two Regional councils: Tuscany and Nord-Pas-de-Calais. At first glance, the comparison shows the structures of the two regional policies are relatively similar : strengthening of the participatory dimension within regionalpublic action; public support for the implementation of local participatory planning and implementation of regional public discussion planning in the framework of major infrastructure projects. Along with a transnational comparison enlightening the processes of participatory planning's circulation and the role of the experts within the field of participatory democracy, the thesis shows that the analogy between these two public policies stands partly in the effective circulation of international standards as well as in the similar position held bythe two institutions within the national politico-administrative system. However, paying attention to the special case of the circulation of the public discussion's french model within and between those two regions, and its differentiated appropriation, the analysis leads to put in perspective the thesis that states the mimetic convergence of these public policies. They actually seem to be different with regard to their structure and the participatory planning they produce.The question of the convergence/divergence of these two regional policies is even more complex as the regional players providing the participatory offers at regional level, caught up in the constraints of the “institutional game”, contribute to the nearly perpetual reassessment of the policy through successive reforms.T h e analysis then reveals how participatory democracy is institutionalised (elected delegates, specialized civil servants, and dedicated budgets) in an ordinary and undetermined manner: political orientations are hardly defined while the participatory dispositions are continuously reassessed. The long-term study of the implementation process of the policies and their reforms actually shows an ambivalent institutional effort, both sustainable and constantly in motion, but altogether inconsequential.

Le but de cette recherche est de rendre compte de quelques dominantes de l’espace intellectuel roumain lors du passage du socialisme d’État à la démocratie représentative et des effets dans différentes sphères d’activité intellectuelle dus aux changements dans l’ordre social tenant de l’installation des du marché et de la disparition progressive d’une économie régie par l’État. Le terrain de la recherche est constitué par un groupement d'intellectuels mis en place les derniers jours de décembre 1989, au moment même des transformations politiques déclenchées par la chute du régime communiste en Roumaine. Le Groupe pour le Dialogue Social (GDS) fut le premier et resta le plus influent et stable groupement de la période postcommuniste ayant dans sa composition des auteurs ayant acquis leur reconnaissance sous le communisme, ainsi que de jeunes scientifiques formés également avant 1989. L’une des raisons de cette réussite consiste dans l’autorité culturelle accumulée par sa publication, l’hebdomadaire 22, qui se distingua parmi les publications intellectuelles et contribua de façon paradigmatique à la redéfinition de cet espace marqué après 1989 par l’intérêt accru pour des questions politiques et le monde politique. La nouveauté et la singularité du Groupe consistèrent en la durabilité du cumul des notoriétés : prestige obtenu par la majorité des membres comme auteurs de la période communiste, notoriété acquise par d'autres en tant que dissidents, mais aussi reconnaissance gagnée par certains autres à partir de 1990. Ces types de notoriété mis ensemble se sont manifestés par des engagements, collectifs et individuels, dont les formes furent multiples et diverses, consécutives et simultanées : textes publiés dans l'hebdomadaire du Groupe, interventions à l’occasion des rencontres avec des politiques, lettres ouvertes, expertise fournie aux organisations civiques ou à des structures politiques, articles publiés dans la presse spécialisée, essais et études politiques, participation à des associations civiques, enrôlement dans des partis politiques. La notoriété obtenue par bon nombre d’intellectuels du GDS, la durabilité du Groupe, sa tribune, 22, des investissements successifs dans la politique, du Groupe mais aussi individuellement, donnent du pouvoir à ses (re)présentations lorsque l’espace politique se structure autour du refus du communisme, l’« anticommunisme », et des anciens « communistes », membres de la nomenklatura surtout. Le GDS inclut des représentants des professions littéraires qui ont acquis leur reconnaissance et sont même devenus des figures notoires avant 1989, mais le GDS n’hésitera pas à intégrer aussi bien des journalistes que des juristes qui n’ont pas acquis leur reconnaissance comme auteurs, ne sont ni artistes ni scientifiques. L’hétérogénéité qui le caractérise, à travers une analyse de leurs trajectoires sociales et professionnelles et de leurs liens avec d’autres intellectuels et des politiques, permet d’esquisser des idées sur la situation et la place des intellectuels dans l’espace social pendant la période communiste mais surtout après 1989, et non seulement de ceux qui sont des membres de ce groupement. Ce travail traite des pratiques proprement intellectuelles, mais surtout discursives, dans une analyse des textes à visée scientifiques et des textes journalistiques, regardant du côté des modes et des moyens d’occuper l’espace public formé par ces discours et ceux qu’ils suscitaient. Empruntant une approche socio-historique et s’inscrivant dans une approche relationnelle, ce travail porte sur les diverses formes que prend la politisation au sein des champs spécifiques – militantisme, entrée en politique, mobilisation politique et démobilisation des intellectuels – et sur les professions intellectuelles à l’aube et à l’épreuve de la démocratie et au service du processus de démocratisation. / The purpose of this research is to account for some of the dominant features of the Romanian intellectual space in connection with the regime change that followed the collapse of state socialism. Transition to pluralism and representative democracy effected in different on the spheres of intellectual life, which echoed the transfiguration of the social order from a centralized and planned economy to new economic relations governed by the market. This research is focused on a group of intellectuals set up during the last days of December 1989 at the time of the political transformations triggered by the fall of the communist regime in Romania, and which avowed goal was to make sense of this dramatic change.The Group for Social Dialogue (GDS) has been the first such association to be established and remains the most influential and stable group of its kind. The group typically includes authors that acquired public recognition under the communist regime as well as young scientists that completed their academic and intellectual training in the last decade of state socialism. One of the reasons for their success was the cultural authority capitalized by the group’s weekly publication, 22, widely regarded as the most prominent intellectual outlets of post-communism. The regular contributors to the journal were instrumental in redefining a public space marked after 1989 by an increased interest for the political issues and politics. The distinctiveness and the sustainability of this venture were the cumulative result of the personal prestige abs cultural authority enjoyed by most of the members of the group either as well published and widely read authors of the communist period, or as former dissidents. This prestige and authority was gradually on other members, whose public career started after 1990. These types of notoriety, joined together, took many different forms of engagement, collective and individual, consecutive and simultaneous: texts published in the journal of the Group, public statements during various meetings with politicians, open letters, expertise provided to civic organizations or political structures, papers published in the specialised press, political essays and studies, participation in civic associations, political party enrolment. The personal notoriety gained by a considerable number of intellectuals of the GDS, the resilience of the Group, the circulation of its journal 22, sequential investments in politics, of the Group itself but also individually, conferred a significant amount of clout to its (re)presentations of politics at a time when the political realm was structured around the rejection of communism (the post-communist “anti-communism”), as opposed to the electoral and social influence exercised by former “communists”, especially by those members of the nomenklatura who succeeded to set the tone of post-communist politics. The Group included representatives of literary professions who achieved the recognition and have even become famous before 1989, but the GDS does not hesitate to integrate also journalists and lawyers who did not reach recognition as authors, artists or scientists. The research was by and large devoted to isolate and examine intellectual practices, especially discursive practices, in the analysis of scientific and journalistic texts, looking at ways and means deployed by intellectuals in order to occupy the public space. In a socio-historical approach and in a vision inspired nu the sociology of relations, this research was concerned with various forms taken by the politicisation within specific fields – militancy, entrance into politics, political mobilisation and demobilisation of the intellectuals –, and intellectual professions at the dawn of the democratic regime.