Since 1941, R. M. Bell has devoted his life to the training of ministers as the President of Johnson Bible College, Kimberlin Heights, Tennessee. During his tenure as president he has represented a point of view that has played both a distinctive and controversial role in the life of our Brotherhood. It is the purpose of this study to examine his life historically with emphasis on the events and influences that helped shape his life and thought. His theological positions will be surveyed and a critique given regarding the contribution his life and thought has had in the Christian church.

One of the most profitable fields of exploration for the history student today is in the realm of Indian history. Many books have been written concerning the social, cultural, and military aspects of the Indiana, but few have been written to expost the abuse and fraud the savage suffered at the hands of the traders, agents, and government officials. It was for this purpose that this study of the Miami Indians has been prepared.

The reconstruction of historical buildings has been debated by preservationists, archeologists and historians, both with each other and within their own fields. But no matter how intensely scholars discuss and disagree on the subject, professionals at historic sites still continue to reconstruct historical buildings. The questions surrounding historical reconstruction include: is it ethical to reconstruct historical buildings? Is it worthwhile to reconstruct historical buildings for the benefit of the general public? I surveyed historical site workers from across the country and visitors from Red Hill National Memorial, the last home of Patrick Henry. From the survey, visitors seem to remember where they have seen reconstructions, sometimes what happened to the original buildings and learn about the history and preservation of the historic location. Sites that continue to reconstruct and follow all the preservation laws and regulations and inform the public on why the site reconstructed the building(s) are getting it right.

This thesis provides an analysis of Shirley Plantation’s operation as a historic house museum from 1894 to the present period, and the Carter family’s dedication to keeping the estate within the family. The first chapter examines Shirley Plantation’s beginnings as a historic house museum as operated by two Carter women, Alice Carter Bransford and Marion Carter Oliver, who inherited the property in the late nineteenth century. The second chapter explores Shirley Plantation’s development as a popular historic site during the mid-twentieth century to the early part of the twenty-first century, and compares the site’s development to the interpretative changes that had been occurring at Colonial Williamsburg. The third chapter analyzes and critiques Shirley Plantation’s present interpretative focus as a historic site, with the fourth chapter offering suggestions for developing an exhibition that interprets the history of slavery at the plantation.

Title in Chinese: / Includes bibliographical references / Thesis (M.Ph.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1986

This thesis was assigned by the Department of German principally to learn through the study of the German newspapers of the day what influence the German-American population of Indiana might have had upon the election of Governor Conrad baker and also upon his whole administration as such; since Governor Baker was of German descent and the act, August 16, 1859, which provided when the German language should be taught in the common schools, also took effect when Baker was Governor of Indiana.

The intent of this thesis is to examine a portion of the thought and historical events which contributed to the development of the United States as a pragmatic nation, and the resulting influence upon its intellectual attitudes. The pragmatic evolution of America is a logical consequence, given the backgrounds and circumstances of those people who first settled this land. The founders of this country were, for the most part, members of the poor, working class who had grown up under governments adhering to strict caste societies and religious domination by their rulers. They held a common belief in a work ethic and a hope of material and religious improvement in the new land. The vast natural resources and individual freedoms in America were conducive to personal expression and material opportunism, and the formal theology and rigid covenants marked by the Puritan era soon gave way to the westward expansion of a group of people with a sensual religious expression and an overwhelming zeal for material wealth. Their goals were a popular voice in government and the freedom to apply their strengths toward the improvement of their station in life. The formal religious services of a learned clergy were replaced by the camp meetings in the wilderness, conducted by unlearned, ordinary lay ministers. Government by the educated, aristocratic few was likewise replaced by popular elections and the inspiration of men such as Andrew Jackson, who encouraged the ordinary, working man to seize the reigns of power in government and to maximize the opportunities for material success. For most Americans, hard physical work was not only a necessity for survival, it was also the key to a multitude of material desires. Every aspect of American living centered around the practical, pragmatic desire for material success. Religion, science, education, and the arts were useful only in their application to the goal of material advancement. The American bent toward utility was ominous for the intellectual. Viewed with distrust and suspicion, the intellectual was out of step with the mainstream of daily living. His lack of hunger for the material, his inherited wealth, and his appreciation and admiration of European arts seemed unnatural for those who struggled to own more material possessions, and for those who felt no need of European "decadence." The American attitude towards intellectuals is not one of overt hostility, but rather an unfortunate by-product of our national character. Americans have had no time for leisurely pursuits, and the lack of appreciation of intellectuals stems from a nation given more to pragmatic endeavors than to pure intellectual occupations.

The Works Progress Administration (WPA) aided 8.5 million people across the United States during its existence WPA projects in Daviess County, Kentucky, admirably served as an example of the way national laws and regulations filtered down and worked in a single county. The federal program touched the lives of a variety of Daviess Countians in a positive manner. Blue collar workers, white collar workers, women, slacks, and even people involved with the arts received jobs through this program. Local WPA projects illustrate the various jobs obtained by needy men and women from the relief rolls. The WPA aided these local citizens physically and socially by giving them jobs, which in turn put food on their table and restored their pride. This federal program, which received much criticism at times, functioned efficiently and effectively in Daviess County.

The purpose of this investigation was to make a study of the beginnings of education in Kentucky, using as the main source of material the old newspapers in our Kentucky Library; and covering the period extending from early pioneer days, through early statehood, the the time when public education for the masses was established.

The purpose of this study is to examine the causes of belligerency in Kentucky in this period of diplomatic crisis, thus examining the second level of causation for the war as suggested by Brown's study. The test case used is Kentucky which was known as one of the states most anxious for war against Britain, both in Congress and in the state itself. However, this study will not attempt to interpret the role of the state's representatives in the Congress of the United States, since, if Brown is correct in his interpretation, the causes of public belligerency had little to do with the final declaration of war. When a member of Congress is quoted, it is because his statements summarize the feeling of the people in Kentucky. Thus there is little attempt to relate the voting or speeches of various representatives to the causes of belligerent attitudes of Kentuckians, except in ways in which these prominent Kentuckians reflect the backgrounds and attitudes of their less articulate neighbors. The role of the Kentucky Congressmen of the Twelfth Congress in bringing war, a role which has been extensively studied in many other works, thus falls outside the scope of this study.