The destructive force of the far-right was tragically witnessed through the mass devastation brought about by World War II. The international community sought to prevent the repetition of such destruction through the establishment of institutions, such as the United Nations, and the adoption of documents such as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the European Convention on Human Rights. Jurisprudence and conventions on a supranational level directly prohibit speech and expression of the far-right with, for example, Article 4 of the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination prohibiting racist associations and racist expression. Nevertheless, we are living in a world where violent far-right entities, such as Golden Dawn of Greece, have received unprecedented electoral support, where xenophobic parties have done spectacularly well at the latest European Parliament elections, where the United Kingdom has voted to leave the European Union and where Donald Trump has been elected as the next president of the United States of America. As such, the far-right is no longer a phenomenon of the past. It is one of the present, rising at swift and worrying rates. In this light, the study analyses how supranational bodies, namely the United Nations, the Council of Europe and the European Union, require their members to tackle right-wing extremism either directly, or through the regulation of by-products of right-wing extremism, such as hate speech. The adherence to international obligations is examined through an assessment of two jurisdictions, namely, England and Wales and Greece. For purposes of this thesis, supranational obligations emanate from, inter alia, instruments such as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination and the European Convention on Human Rights. It must be noted that, on an EU level, there is also a centralised mechanism in the form of Article 7 TEU which can, in theory, be used against Member States which embrace a far-right ideology or, potentially, tolerate the far-right. However, this tool has never been used. The dissertation considers the means and methods adopted by the jurisdictions under consideration to interpret and apply international and European obligations through their national legal systems along with a broader conceptualisation of their legal and judicial approaches to right-wing extremism. The country analyses commence with an assessment of their adherence to international and European obligations, the thesis looks at the case-studies' domestic frameworks in the realm of challenging far-right movements. For both countries, there is a legal analysis of how central rights and freedoms, such as non-discrimination, expression, assembly and association, are established by law. For England and Wales, it proceeds to look at the role of criminal law in relation to the far-right, assessing the public order ambit which is the one most habitually used to challenge the rhetoric and activities of the far-right. This is followed by an evaluation of recent anti-terror legislation which has come into play in relation to the regulation of violent elements of the far-right movement. After looking at criminal law and how it deals with ensuring public order and countering terror, the assessment of England and Wales looks at how national law treats political parties before registration and during their functioning. The purpose is to determine what tools and sub-tools are available and can be used for challenging far-right parties contesting elections. From the above-described analysis, it is concluded that the legal framework of England and Wales embraces the significance of the freedom of expression but readily allows for the limitation of speech if issues of public order, terrorism or anti-social behaviour arise. Assemblies are also readily prohibited if public order or anti-social behaviour issues arise. What is clear is that this case-study is not willing to proscribe associations if such associations do not amount to terrorist organisations. In relation to Greece, the dissertation assesses the principal legal instrument that tackles issues relevant to challenging the far-right, namely the criminal law framework and particularly the law on the punishment of racially discriminatory acts, and relevant provisions of the Greek Penal Codes such as those on racial aggravation and criminal and terrorist organisations. It also look at the non-discrimination law which is relevant to this case-study given Golden Dawn's provision of services to Greeks only. It became evident from the analysis that relevant legislation has seldom been relied upon to challenge the far-right in Greece, a reality which has led to a state of impunity for the criminal activities of Golden Dawn and an issue that has become a key concern for national and international human rights institutions and non-governmental organisations. Although some members of Golden Dawn were convicted for their criminal activities and the Court recognised their affiliation with Golden Dawn, before the murder of an ethnic Greek, no steps were taken against the organisation. The chapter incorporates an analysis of the legal basis of the ongoing trial against Golden Dawn. Furthermore, the chapter also looks at how national law treats political parties before registration and during their functioning. This analysis demonstrated that political parties, even ones with dangerous and undemocratic intentions, can register and function without limitations with the only point of State intervention being when such entities cross into the threshold of a criminal organisation, as was the case of Golden Dawn.

A pergunta que move este trabalho é se existem indícios, na atual construção argumentativa sobre a regulação internacional da internet, da conformação de um regime internacional da internet. Para respondê-la, o primeiro passo é explorar os significados do fenômeno da fragmentação do direito internacional. A partir da identificação de algumas linhas de pensamento, este trabalho adota o diagnóstico de que a fragmentação do direito internacional se liga a uma transposição da diferenciação funcional social para o campo do direito. Dessa forma, trabalhar com o direito internacional fragmentado exige levar em conta a presença de regimes diversos, constituídos por construções argumentativas movidas por um ethos próprio. Esses regimes produzem linguagem técnica que leva a um gerencialismo e que se volta contra outras linguagens, gerando disputas hegemônicas. Para o jurista, é essencial assumir seu papel dentro das construções argumentativas, tomando consciência da política dos regimes e utilizando instrumentos interdisciplinares que atinjam também o que é rotulado como não-direito. Uma vez definida, esta abordagem é aplicada para o estudo da regulação internacional da internet, como um segundo passo deste trabalho. A análise começa pelas batalhas que foram travadas pela alma da internet desde sua criação e os atores envolvidos nessas batalhas. Depois, aborda as representações sobre a regulação da internet durante os períodos de desenvolvimento dessa tecnologia. Diante de uma previsão sobre o último período, começa a olhar para as construções sobre a internet desde 2011. Na literatura analisada, a internet é definida de acordo com o que compõe sua regulação, sua extensão e seus limites. A literatura aponta vários atores e instituições que participam dessa regulação e o Estado aparece com papéis variados, mas a governança multissetorial tem destaque. Os autores divergem ao falarem sobre a aplicação do direito internacional às questões que consideram mais importantes na internet. Eles discordam sobre os problemas da regulação, sobre se e quais direitos deveriam ser aplicados e como os atores devem agir para essa regulação. Contudo, todos têm o movimento de suas argumentações em comum. Todos constroem exceções quanto ao direito em geral quando pensam na melhor regulação para a internet. O terceiro passo da pesquisa é então analisar o que isso significa, tendo em mente o quadro teórico de que partiu. Ela conclui que há indícios da conformação de um regime internacional da internet, tendo em vista que a defesa da especialização do direito para a internet se move com um propósito comum de diferenciar o mundo online do mundo off-line. Finalmente, ela indica algumas agendas de pesquisa que podem ser adotadas a partir desses resultados / The question that drives this work is whether there is evidence, within the current argumentative construction on international Internet regulation, of an international internet regime. To answer that, the first step is to explore the meanings of the phenomenon of fragmentation in international law. After the identification of some schools of thought on the subject, this paper adopts the diagnosis that the fragmentation of international law is due to a transposition of social functional differentiation to the legal field. Given that, dealing with a fragmented international law requires taking into account the presence of various schemes, consisting of argumentative constructions driven by their own ethos. These schemes produce a technical language that leads to managerialism and that pits itself against other languages, generating hegemonic disputes. Lawyers should assume their role within these argumentative constructions, becoming aware of regimes politics and using interdisciplinary tools to reach also what is labeled as non-legal. This theoretical approach is applied to the international internet regulation, as the second step of this research. The analysis begins with the battles that were fought for the soul of the Internet since its inception and the actors involved in these battles. The paper then addresses the representations on the regulation of the Internet during periods of development of this technology. Faced with a prediction about the last period, it looks at the constructions on Internet since 2011. In the examined literature, the Internet is defined according to what constitutes its regulation, its extent and its limits. The literature points to several actors and institutions that participate in this regulation and the State appears with varying roles, but multi-sectorial governance has central emphasis. The authors diverge when discussing the application of international law to issues that they consider most important on the Internet. They disagree on the issues of regulation, on whether and which duties should be imposed and how actors should act towards this regulation. However, all of them have the movement of their arguments in common. All develop exceptions to international law when they elaborate about a better regulation for the Internet. The third step of the research is then to analyze what this means, bearing in mind the theoretical framework adopted. It concludes that there is evidence of the construction of an international regime of the internet, as long as the defense of internets specialty moves along with a common purpose to differentiate the online world from the offline world. Finally, the paper points to some research agendas that can be derived from its results.

Few issues divide leaders and policy-makers as much as abortion, which regularly sparks heated political, religious and philosophical debates. Numerous states choose to prohibit or criminalize abortion, despite the fact that it has been practiced throughout recorded history. In many of these states, women turn to unsafe abortion methods, such as consuming bleach or inserting a coat hanger, which may cause long-term damage or death. In the light of this tragic reality, one could ask whether these women have a right to safe abortion in human rights law or not. In order to answer this question, the author analyzes the status of abortion in public international law. The results are based on a thorough examination of the preparatory works (travaux préparatoires) and reservations to CEDAW, CRC, ECHR, and ICCPR, as well as documents by international and regional treaty bodies. The author applies a treaty-based international law methodology, analyzes the results through Hilary Charlesworth and Christine Chinkin’s theory of the public and private distinction in public international law and discusses the juridical- political context. The author concludes that there is neither an explicitly formulated human right to abortion, nor is abortion included within the right to family planning. However, she finds that domestic legislation which criminalizes or restrict access to safe abortions may be in violation of other fundamental human rights.

In this article, the author analyzes the BEPS project of the OECD and its implications in the International Tax Law of Brazil as a potential generator of a new stage in the international taxation. In that sense, he explains the Brazilian international policy, the context that led the signing of conventions and the model that was followed for it. Furthermore, he assesses the importance of the fiscal transparency and the exchange of information, aspects connected with the cooperation and competition. / En el presente artículo, el autor analiza el proyecto BEPS de la OCDE y sus implicancias dentro del Derecho Fiscal Internacional de Brasil, como el posible generador de una nueva etapa en la imposición internacional. En ese sentido, explica la política internacional brasilera, el contexto que motivó a la firma de Convenciones y el modelo que se siguió para el mismo. Asimismo, evalúa la importancia de la transparencia fiscal e intercambio de informaciones, conectado con las características de cooperación y competencia.

The topic of this diploma thesis is: The Legal consequences of the loss of territory for a state and its inhabitants. This thesis focuses on the loss of the territory due to the submerging of the island states because of a sea level rise. This work is divided into four chapters. The first chapter concerns climate change and its causes, as it is climate change that is responsible for the rising sea level. The subsequent chapter analyses the state as a subject of public international law, and focuses on the criteria for statehood. The third chapter explores the loss of territory and its consequences on the statehood of the affected state. The final section considers the inhabitants of the state and their likely legal status. The aim of this thesis is to determine whether the criteria for statehood, first defined in the Montevideo Convention from 1933, are still relevant today. Moreover, the goal is to clarify whether it is necessary for a state to possess a territory (i.e. one of the criteria for statehood) for its further existence. If the territory would indeed be indispensable, then this thesis examines the possibilities of how new territory can be acquired. Additionally, this work discusses the question of the liability of the polluters for climate change. In particular, the question of whether...

This thesis investigates the impact of international organizations on the making of international law by applying insights on how international organizations work—or fail to work—to the process of institutionalized treaty making. Specifically, I probe the relationship between the World Health Organization (“WHO”) and international infectious disease law, focusing in particular on the 2005 International Health Regulations (“2005 IHR”), which was negotiated, adopted, and is now being implemented under WHO’s auspices. The 2005 IHR is the most recent development in international infectious disease law, the history of which extends back to the beginning of international health cooperation in the mid-nineteenth century, before any international health organization was formed. Relying on secondary sources, WHO documents, archival materials, and personal interviews, I chronologically trace the evolution of international infectious disease law across changing institutional settings. I first examine the incremental growth of the older “barrier” approach to infectious disease regulation, initially developed in the absence of any international health organization and then with the aid of one of WHO’s predecessor organizations. I then analyze the decline of the barrier approach and the rise of the new “epidemiological” approach embodied by the 2005 IHR, with the aid of WHO. Based on my empirical analysis, I conclude that WHO has radically changed the process of making international infectious disease law as well as its content. On its own initiative and without member state demand, WHO’s permanent staff experimented with novel practices that subsequently became the basis for the 2005 IHR. WHO’s work reduced the length of formal negotiation needed to arrive at a new agreement and the uncertainty associated with adopting a novel regulatory system. Its influence also raises normative questions about the proper role of international organizations in making international law—questions that require further exploration.

The purpose of this thesis is to determine the meaning of the necessary prerequisite attack in the international core crime crimes against humanity. Based on this, the thesis also aims to determine how a Swedish court should interpret the necessary prerequisite attack. Lastly, the thesis aims to assess the necessary prerequisite attack from an external gender perspective. Cases from the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, and the International Criminal Court were analysed to fulfill this purpose. Two methods are applied: the doctrinal study and the gender perspective. Three incidents from the ongoing Russian invasion of Ukraine have been used to exemplify and discuss some of the theoretical aspects of this thesis. These are the extensive sexual violence against women, the mass executions of men in Bucha, and the forced deportation and illegal adoptions of Ukrainian children. The thesis shows that the necessary prerequisite attack consists of several elements, which all have to be present for the necessary prerequisite to be considered fulfilled. There must be an attack, the attack must be widespread or systematic, the attack must be directed against a civilian population and the perpetrator’s acts must constitute part of an attack that they are aware of and knowingly participates in. An attack no longer needs to occur within the context of an armed conflict or with discriminatory intent, except for the specific act of persecution. An element that appears required for a course of events to constitute an attack is that of a policy, though there is a lack of consensus on this matter. The international views of the necessary prerequisite attack differs, especially regarding the policy element, and the next question that has to be answered is therefore how a Swedish court should interpret the necessary prerequisite attack. Which case law or legal sources should they use, and why? The thesis argues that the Swedish International Crimes Act should be used first, and the Swedish preparatory work has clear indications to follow the International Criminal Courts case law. This means that it is likely that a Swedish court would apply the policy element. The thesis ends with an analysis of the necessary prerequisite attack and acts of sexual violence from a gender perspective. The thesis shows that there has been a positive development in the last 30 years in how acts of sexual violence are viewed and handled within the field of international criminal law.

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This thesis examines important aspects of Canada and Britain’s participation in the Korean War of 1950-53 and the Afghanistan Conflict of 2001-present with a view to better understanding how international law influenced this participation, and whether key leaders and officials understood said law as a binding and distinct phenomenon. It draws on constructivist International Relations (IR) theory and “interactional” International Law (IL) theory, and employs a method of historical reconstruction and process tracing. I argue that, contrary to what realism might predict, international law helped define and shape each state’s possible course of action in the wars, and the justifications that could be made for their behaviour. More specifically, Canada and Britain’s involvement in the conflicts suggests that, when states use force, international law can play four broad roles: 1) it helps constitute the identities of the actors at issue; 2) it helps regulate the political and military practice of the actors at issue; 3) it permits and legitimates certain political and military practices that otherwise might not be permitted; and 4) it helps structure the process by which agents seek to develop and promote new legal rules and legitimate practice. However, I also contend that, contrary to what IL scholars might predict, the discourse and actions of Canadian and British leaders and officials during the Korean War and Afghanistan Conflict offer mixed support for the hypothesis that, when states use force, policy-makers understand international law as a binding and distinct set of legal rules, and the legal status of these rules impacts their decision-making. In sum, my findings suggest that international law can play important roles in world politics and the use of force by states, but it is unclear whether these effects are attributable to an obligatory quality in law.

The thesis explores the extent to which the UN post-conflict administrations are accountable towards the populations of the territories they administer. The post-conflict administrations temporarily assume legislative and administrative powers to support the peace processes, to help to resolve the sovereignty issues or to establish administrative structures that might be non-existent in these territories. The thesis argues that, while the exercise of these extensive powers entails the accountability of the UN, in practice this accountability is not effectively engaged. As opposed to other forms of accountability, the focus is on the international legal responsibility of the UN as the prominent and most meaningful form of accountability, in the accountability relationship between the administrator and the administered, which gives the populations of the administered territories the opportunity to challenge the acts of international administrations and seek redress. In exploring the legal responsibility of the UN and in line with Article 4 of the ILC Draft Articles on the Responsibility of International Organizations, which states only an act of an international organization that constitutes a breach of an international obligation entails its responsibility, this thesis initially explores the extent of international obligations arising from, and the extent of applicability of, three bodies of law. First, the thesis discusses the applicability of international humanitarian law, the fundamental principles of which have traditionally been part of UN peace operations practice. Next, it considers the applicability of the law of occupation, which shares stark factual similarities with the UN post-conflict administrations. Finally, the applicability of international human rights law, which is consistently part of the applicable law in post-conflict territories, and the protection and promotion of which is consistently included in the mandates of post-conflict administrations is examined. The thesis argues that the simultaneous application these bodies of law would help to create a legal framework to engage the accountability of UN post-conflict administrations and this legal framework should be complemented by effective accountability mechanisms.