This exploratory study set out to uncover views from the Occupy Movement’s Johannesburg leg. The Occupy Movement arose in late 2011, aiming to occupy public space and challenge conventional economics, politics, and governance. Data were collected by means of an online survey amongst 39 ‘core’ members of the group. The study took up a mixed methods approach underpinned by critical realism. Basic descriptive statistics and cross tabulations were used to analyse 6 closed-ended survey items in a quantitative fashion; thereafter, 4 open-ended items were qualitatively examined by delineating responses into discursive themes based on response content and positions taken up by respondents in their claims and statements. Finally, a cluster analysis was performed in order to cluster or profile significant groups that emerged from the data based on demographics, selection of closed-ended items, and quantitatively transformed response content to qualitatively examined open-ended items. It was found that the sample mirrored the demographics present in foreign movements as it was primarily male (61.5%), white (87.2%), highly educated (51.4% holding a bachelor’s degree or higher) and young (74.4% in the 21 to 40 age range). Furthermore, it was found that within a group that stood against various macro-level social systems, confidence in all social institutions was extremely low, in particular for big corporations, national government, and political parties. This sample was highly comparable to a representative South African sample as regards their views on the causes of social division; the factors that were seen as most socially divisive (in descending order) were: (1) socio-economic status; (2) race; (3) politics; (4) cultural differences; (5) language; (6) religion; (7) AIDS/disease. Qualitatively, the first item asked whether or not they believed that their movement lacked focus. Upon analysis it was found that four distinct themes existed in response: (1) duality (those revealing support for the movement but disdain for its processes); (2) aggressive justification (vehement justification and defense of the Occupy stance); (3) denial (lacking full knowledge of Occupy processes but ardently defending them while moving away from the difficult questions); (4) straddling the fence (vague and contradictory positions). Members responded to the question of whether their movement differed from foreign movements by stating that it did, based primarily on local socio-historical, economic, and contemporary issues peculiar to South Africa – these members sought a special place for their movement and acted in contradiction to the global Occupy stances; others said no and based this on appeals to homogeneity of cause, global concerns, and an Occupy solidarity. When asked why they, personally, were motivated to engage with the movement, the sample maintained either: (1) the unfair world argument (a strong theme in which perceived ‘systemic unfairness’ proved motivation enough); (2) socialist argument (a string of socialist-based positions connected to classic socialist disdain for the creation of capital, accruing of personal wealth, estrangement of labourers from produce etc.); (3) personal plight argument (exclusively personal standpoints appealing to individual socio-economic woes). Finally, pressure was placed upon the Occupy protestors to reveal what their ideal, utopian society would look like, given the option. The sample called for: (1) orthodox anarchy (stark calls for 4 absolute anarchy); (2) anarchic socialism (marrying socialism and anarchy – less extreme than anarchy, more equal than capitalism, incorporating multiple freedoms and backed by orthodox socialist rhetoric); (3) advancing through decentralized civil society (no clear ideology, rather providing a special place for civil society with few central power structures; driving forth through family and community); (4) fundamental equality and freedom (emphasis of final desires over process and ideology with a belief that society does not require strict regulation, it rather holds its own ‘homeostatic’ capabilities). The hierarchical cluster analysis for this study found 4 distinct clusters; each cluster was defined by a generally homogeneous set of responses and demographics. Significantly, cluster 3 included 50% of the cases analysed (50% of the sample) and uncovered a common profile (homogeneous demographics, vastly similar stances on sources of social division, similarity in terms of confidence in social institutions, and agreement on the rationale and motivation to be personally involvement in Occupy). Cluster 4 consisted of so-called outliers. / Psychology / M. A.( Psychology with specialisation in Research Consultation)

The Transvaal Colony experienced a huge problem with the scarcity of African labour for the mines and for the farms after the South African War. From 1901 to 1906 African labourers displayed great reluctance to meet the labour demands of the Transvaal colony. Both black and white witnesses to the Transvaal Labour Commission (TLC) and the South African Native Affairs Commission (SANAC) gave their views regarding the reasons why African labourers were unavailable for wage labour. The Chamber of Mines dominated the proceedings of the TLC so that in the end very little objective information could be gained from the TLC. Africans themselves, testifying before SANAC stated a number of grievances which might have been responsible for the widespread withdrawal from employment on the mines. It became clear that Africans preferred to work independently rather than to provide labour for whites who ill-treated them. This they could only do if land was available to them. / History / M. A. (History)

Summaries in English and Afrikaans / The study explores the beliefs and wishes of respondents in Pretoria concerning crime seriousness and criminal sentencing in South Africa. It is suggested that in a democracy, the legal system must reflect the values of the individual citizen if it is to achieve a legitimacy based upon the concepts of moral consent and universality, and argues that this can only be achieved when all citizens have a voice. The study undertakes and reports on a survey of 400 units, across race divisions in and around the City of Pretoria by initially emulating, and thereafter extending, the British Crime Survey. The thesis offers seven chapters divided into two primary components. The first component, chapters one to four, systematically debate the historical/theoretical foundations of sentencing practice (both globally and in respect of South Africa), and identifies the inherent problems faced by contemporary criminal justice systems. The study utilises sentencing literature to provide an in-depth appraisal of theoretical paradigms and, thereafter, evaluates the successes and failures of various sentencing options. The second component, chapters five to seven, unpack the Pretorian research in relation to various other foreign research surveys, and culminates by offering a South African sentencing guide (severity index) based upon the research findings. The findings identify the people of Pretoria to be punitive. Respondents are shown to regard rape and driving whilst over the legal alcohol level causing the death of an innocent victim as the most serious crimes, followed by deliberate murder, selling illegal drugs and terrorism. Percentage differential between these "most serious" crimes is negligible. Many respondents indicate long prison sentences or the death penalty for these specific offences. Overall, Blacks prefer imprisonment whilst Whites are shown to be more conservative and more amenable to other sentencing options. Gender differences in relation to seriousness and sentence scores are slight, but females and the older age group are noted to be more fearful of being victimised even though this fear is not supported by actual victimisation rates. The study justifies the motivation fot the inclusion of public opinion into sentencing policy by recording a 72 percent positive response to people involvement in the sentencing of offenders. / Hierdie navorsing verken respondente in Pretoria se menings en verwagtinge aangaande die erns van misdaad en vonnisoplegging in Suid·Afrika. Die uitgangspunt is dat die regsplegingstelsel veronderstel is om die waardes van die gemeenskap te reftekteer, gebaseer op die konsepte van morele eenstemmigheid en universaliteit, en argumenteer dat dit binne 'n demokrattese bestel slegs kan realiseer as alle inwoners inspraak daarin het. Die navorsing en rapportering gaan oor 'n opname van 400 eenhede in en om die stad Pretoria oor rassegrense heen. Die Britse misdaadopname het as vertrekpunt gedien vir die ontwikkeling van die opname. Die tesis bestaan uit sewe hoofstukke wat verdeel is in twee hoofkomponente. Die eerste komponent, hoofstukke een tot vier, debatteer sistematies die histories/teoretiese begrondings van die vonnisopleggingspraktyk (beide globaal en ten opsigte van Suld-Afrika), en identifiseer die inherente probleme waarmee kontemporere strafregsplegingstelsels gekonfronteer word. Die navorsing gebruik vonnisopleggingsliteratuur om 'n in-diepte beoordeling te maak aan teoretiese paradigma om die sukses en mislukking van die verskillende vonnisopleggingaopsies te evalueer. Die tweede komponent, hoofstukke vyf tot sewe, behels die navorsing in Pretoria in vergelyking met verskeie ander buitelandse navorsingsondersoeke en bereik 'n hoogtepunt deur 'n Suid-Afrikaanse vonnisopleggingsgids (ernsindeks) voor te hou, gebaseer op die navorsingsbevindings. Die navorsingsbevindings identlfiseer respondente van Pretoria as strafgeorienteerd. Respondente beskou verkragting en bestuur van 'n motor terwyl die persoon se alkoholbloedinhoud oor die wettige perk is en die dood van 'n onskuldige slagoffer veroorsaak, as die ernstigste misdade. Dit word gevolg deur opsetlike moord, die handel in onwettige dwelmmiddels en terrorisme. Persentasie afwykings tussen die "ernstige" misdade is onbeduidend. Menige respondente is van mening dat lang termyne van gevangenisstraf of die doodsvonnis vir hierdie misdade toepaslik is. Oorhoofs gesien, verkies Swartmense gevangesetting, terwyl blankes meer konserwatief maar ook meer ontvanklik blyk te wees met betrekking tot ander vonnisopsies. Genderverskille in verhouding tot die erns- en die vonnistellings is gering, maar vroue en die ouer ouderdomsgroepe vertoon groter vrees vir viktimisasie, alhoewel hierdie vrees nie ondersteun word deur werklike viktimisasieratio's nie. Hierdie navorsing onderskryf die motivering vir die oorweging van die gemeenskapsmening in formulering van vonnisopleggingsbeleid met die resultaat dat 72 persent respondente gemeenskapsbetrokkenheid in die vonnisoplgeging voorstaan. ' / Criminology and Security Science / D. Litt. et Phil. (Criminology)

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2004. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Brazil and South Africa were both part of the global “third-wave” of democracy, the beginnings of their democratic transitions occurring in 1985 and 1994 respectively. Despite having been formerly subjected to decades of authoritarian rule, both countries experienced a modicum of democratic practice, however limited in franchise, under the previous regimes. The purpose of this study is to investigate the levels of support for democracy in Brazil and South Africa since democratic transition. Two types of political support are identified as crucial for democratic sustainability: diffuse support, or support for democracy’s intrinsic principles, and specific support, support which is conditional on the positive evaluation of the regime institutions and incumbents. These two types of political support are conceptualized as encompassing five levels or objects of political support, according to the Norris model: the political community, regime principles, regime performance (diffuse support), regime institutions and political actors (specific support). This study proposes that because vestiges of democratic norms and practices have been present within these countries’ political systems for some time, it is possible that they will manifest trends in support similar to much older, more established democracies. These global trends indicate that diffuse support for democracy is being maintained while specific support for democracy is waning. A longitudinal quantitative study was conducted, using consecutive waves of World Values Survey to operationalize support for democracy in terms of the five abovementioned political objects and the results of South Africa and Brazil compared. These results show that both case studies could be interpreted as having fairly high levels of diffuse support and decreasing levels of specific support for democracy. It is however acknowledged that results are not conclusive and further research is required, especially with respect to how respondents conceptualize the term ‘democracy’. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Brasilië en Suid-Afrika was albei deel van die globale “derde golf” van demokrasie, met die aanvang van hulle oorgang na demokrasie onderskeidelik in 1985 en 1994. Ten spyte daarvan dat hierdie twee lande voormalig aan dekades van outoritêre gesag onderwerp is, het albei, hoewel beperk in stemreg, ’n mate van demokratiese praktyk onder ’n vorige bestel ervaar. Die doel van hierdie studie is om die steunvlakke vir demokrasie in Brasilië en Suid- Afrika sedert hulle oorgang na demokrasie te ondersoek. Twee soorte politieke steun word geïdentifiseer as deurslaggewend vir demokratiese volhoubaarheid: verspreide steun – of steun vir die intrinsieke beginsels van demokrasie – en spesifieke steun – steun wat van die positiewe evaluering van die regime se instellings en ampsbekleders afhang. Hierdie twee soorte politieke steun word deur vyf konsepte voorgestel wat die vyf vlakke of voorwerpe van politieke steun volgens die Norris-model dek: die politieke gemeenskap, regimebeginsels, regimeprestasie (verspreide steun), regime-instellings en politieke akteurs (spesifieke steun). Hierdie studie stel voor dat, aangesien spore van demokratiese norme en praktyke vir ’n geruime tyd binne hierdie lande se politieke stelsels teenwoordig was, dit moontlik is dat hulle steuntendense sal toon wat aan baie ouer, meer gevestigde demokrasieë soortgelyk is. Hierdie globale tendense toon dat verspreide steun vir demokrasie gehandhaaf word terwyl spesifieke steun vir demokrasie aan die kwyn is. ’n Longitudinale kwantitatiewe studie is onderneem wat van opeenvolgende siklusse van die “World Values Survey” gebruik maak om steun vir demokrasie in terme van die vyf bogenoemde politieke voorwerpe uit te beeld. Die resultate van Suid-Afrika en Brasilië is daarna vergelyk. Uit hierdie resultate sou afgelei kon word dat redelik hoë vlakke van verspreide steun en dalende vlakke van spesifieke steun vir demokrasie in beide gevalle voorkom. Daar word egter erken dat resultate nie beslissend is nie en dat verdere navorsing nodig is, in besonder met betrekking tot respondente se begrip van die term ‘demokrasie’.

Thesis (MPhil (Sociology and Social Anthropology))--University of Stellenbosch, 2007. / The South African woman, due to political and social change, has a totally new role to play in the workplace. The study focused on attitudes by men towards black rural women who are participating in the upper echelons of rural economic development and have to display their full potential in positions previously and traditionally reserved for rural men. The research was conducted in the Port St John’s irrigation maize producing projects of Thandanani and Umngazi. The study develops and investigates the hypothesis that rural men have negative attitudes to the advancement of rural women. The researcher uses the theory of social closure, that originated from Max Weber, within which rural women’s upward mobility and resistance of men thereto can be placed. Social closure refers to the phenomenon that a hierarchical or stratified social system tends to develop in which an elite group seeks to maximize rewards by restricting access to resources to a limited circle of the eligible. In this a top-down process of exclusion and the limitation of opportunities, originating from rural men, is assumed. In contrast, rural women may attempt to gain access to opportunities enjoyed by rural men through a process of usurpation. In order to investigate these possibilities a social attitude survey was conducted among 45 male members of the Thandanani and Umngazi maize producing projects. Questionnaires in Xhosa language and based on summated rating scales were used. The rural men’s attitudes towards women were found to be differentiated. On the one hand, positive attitudes were found that support the advancement of women, accept equal opportunities and their creativity and helpfulness. On the other hand, sexist attitudes were observed that perceive women to be less capable and inherently inferior to men. Men, as the resourceful in-group, believe and think themselves as superior to women as the inferior out-group who as a result occupies lower positions of wealth and power. Men perpetuate their advantageous position and pass it to their offspring. These findings are borne out by literature where it is stated that men undermine cooperation between men and women in decision-making (Colclough 1999), regard women as minors (Cross et al 1988; Lessing 1994), and do not see them as relevant and worthy (Epstein 1970). Men are seen to have a desire to protect their advantage and create rules of distribution of resources to their own favour (Nel 2003). Development projects towards the advancement of women, who are believed to be inferior and incapable, are therefore deemed to fail. It is recommended that all agencies should adopt and implement equal opportunity programmes, feminists need to explore possibilities and give attention to how and in what areas men can be approached to enlist support in the struggle for women’s opportunities and rights; and cooperatives be established to break gender stereotypes through training and removal of boundaries that created occupational segregation between the genders.

Summaries in English and Afrikaans / The study explores the beliefs and wishes of respondents in Pretoria concerning crime seriousness and criminal sentencing in South Africa. It is suggested that in a democracy, the legal system must reflect the values of the individual citizen if it is to achieve a legitimacy based upon the concepts of moral consent and universality, and argues that this can only be achieved when all citizens have a voice. The study undertakes and reports on a survey of 400 units, across race divisions in and around the City of Pretoria by initially emulating, and thereafter extending, the British Crime Survey. The thesis offers seven chapters divided into two primary components. The first component, chapters one to four, systematically debate the historical/theoretical foundations of sentencing practice (both globally and in respect of South Africa), and identifies the inherent problems faced by contemporary criminal justice systems. The study utilises sentencing literature to provide an in-depth appraisal of theoretical paradigms and, thereafter, evaluates the successes and failures of various sentencing options. The second component, chapters five to seven, unpack the Pretorian research in relation to various other foreign research surveys, and culminates by offering a South African sentencing guide (severity index) based upon the research findings. The findings identify the people of Pretoria to be punitive. Respondents are shown to regard rape and driving whilst over the legal alcohol level causing the death of an innocent victim as the most serious crimes, followed by deliberate murder, selling illegal drugs and terrorism. Percentage differential between these "most serious" crimes is negligible. Many respondents indicate long prison sentences or the death penalty for these specific offences. Overall, Blacks prefer imprisonment whilst Whites are shown to be more conservative and more amenable to other sentencing options. Gender differences in relation to seriousness and sentence scores are slight, but females and the older age group are noted to be more fearful of being victimised even though this fear is not supported by actual victimisation rates. The study justifies the motivation fot the inclusion of public opinion into sentencing policy by recording a 72 percent positive response to people involvement in the sentencing of offenders. / Hierdie navorsing verken respondente in Pretoria se menings en verwagtinge aangaande die erns van misdaad en vonnisoplegging in Suid·Afrika. Die uitgangspunt is dat die regsplegingstelsel veronderstel is om die waardes van die gemeenskap te reftekteer, gebaseer op die konsepte van morele eenstemmigheid en universaliteit, en argumenteer dat dit binne 'n demokrattese bestel slegs kan realiseer as alle inwoners inspraak daarin het. Die navorsing en rapportering gaan oor 'n opname van 400 eenhede in en om die stad Pretoria oor rassegrense heen. Die Britse misdaadopname het as vertrekpunt gedien vir die ontwikkeling van die opname. Die tesis bestaan uit sewe hoofstukke wat verdeel is in twee hoofkomponente. Die eerste komponent, hoofstukke een tot vier, debatteer sistematies die histories/teoretiese begrondings van die vonnisopleggingspraktyk (beide globaal en ten opsigte van Suld-Afrika), en identifiseer die inherente probleme waarmee kontemporere strafregsplegingstelsels gekonfronteer word. Die navorsing gebruik vonnisopleggingsliteratuur om 'n in-diepte beoordeling te maak aan teoretiese paradigma om die sukses en mislukking van die verskillende vonnisopleggingaopsies te evalueer. Die tweede komponent, hoofstukke vyf tot sewe, behels die navorsing in Pretoria in vergelyking met verskeie ander buitelandse navorsingsondersoeke en bereik 'n hoogtepunt deur 'n Suid-Afrikaanse vonnisopleggingsgids (ernsindeks) voor te hou, gebaseer op die navorsingsbevindings. Die navorsingsbevindings identlfiseer respondente van Pretoria as strafgeorienteerd. Respondente beskou verkragting en bestuur van 'n motor terwyl die persoon se alkoholbloedinhoud oor die wettige perk is en die dood van 'n onskuldige slagoffer veroorsaak, as die ernstigste misdade. Dit word gevolg deur opsetlike moord, die handel in onwettige dwelmmiddels en terrorisme. Persentasie afwykings tussen die "ernstige" misdade is onbeduidend. Menige respondente is van mening dat lang termyne van gevangenisstraf of die doodsvonnis vir hierdie misdade toepaslik is. Oorhoofs gesien, verkies Swartmense gevangesetting, terwyl blankes meer konserwatief maar ook meer ontvanklik blyk te wees met betrekking tot ander vonnisopsies. Genderverskille in verhouding tot die erns- en die vonnistellings is gering, maar vroue en die ouer ouderdomsgroepe vertoon groter vrees vir viktimisasie, alhoewel hierdie vrees nie ondersteun word deur werklike viktimisasieratio's nie. Hierdie navorsing onderskryf die motivering vir die oorweging van die gemeenskapsmening in formulering van vonnisopleggingsbeleid met die resultaat dat 72 persent respondente gemeenskapsbetrokkenheid in die vonnisoplgeging voorstaan. ' / Criminology and Security Science / D. Litt. et Phil. (Criminology)