This research examines European Union (EU) policy instruments affecting the urban domain throughout the lenses of the Europeanization approach. Instead of looking at EU instruments that are formally/legally consecrated to cities, we use theoretical public policy analysis to explore the arenas and the causal mechanisms that structure the encounter between the EU and urban systems of governance. We develop the argument that there are four different modes of Europeanization. In consequence, to grasp the essence of a single instrument or a given EU initiative, one has to establish which mode is prevailing in the policy logic of that instrument or initiative. The core variables that explain change concern the status of actors’ preferences (a) and the payoffs from Europeanization (b). The combination of (a) and (b) thus originates a four dimensional space. We can therefore develop a typology for the modes of Europeanization, which chimes with current theorisations on the EU modes of governance. The eventual Europeanization of urban systems depends on the nature of strategic interaction, not on the legal ‘tools’ explicitly designated for cities. Thus, policy instruments are initially associated with the four modes. We then used process-tracing to verify whether instruments actually perform according to the ‘mode’ to which they have been initially paired, or if they trigger contingencies that have not been theoretically/deductively foreseen. This is particularly convenient within a realm – urban policies – where the EU does not have a specific formal competence and where interactions between ‘cities’ and the EU are likely to take place within multiple policy areas and during different stages of the policy process. Mechanisms are explored by considering the city of Turin. The four ‘policy instruments’ selected as proxies for the assessment of modes of Europeanization are the Covenant of Mayors programme for energy saving, directive 1994/62 (then waste framework directive) for waste management, directive 1993/30 for air quality control and the URBAN II Community Initiative for urban regeneration and development. The analysis of the four instruments reveals less variation between modes than initially expected. In this connection, theoretical similarity between modes, as emerged from the typological exercise carried out at the outset of the research, was partially echoed by the empirical analysis of policy instruments. Within cities and urban areas, the Europeanization effect is likely to assume a more blurred fashion and the action of, and reaction to, Europe is greatly interwoven with other dynamics, which in turn shape the perception and the actual impact of European modes and instruments for regulation. In the conclusions we highlight the differences between this approach and the traditional analysis of EU urban policy, and suggest avenues for future empirical research based on typologies of policy instruments.

This study sought to understand policy factors underlying the differences between the literacy levels of Canadian and Swedish adults as reported in the International Adult Literacy Survey. The New Literacy Studies provided a critical perspective for comparing adult literacy as contextual rather than as a technical, pedagogical skill. Adult learning in rural and urban sites in Canada and Sweden was compared through a qualitative case study. The conceptual framework based on situated literacy and comprising policy-in-intent, policy-in-practice and policy-in-experience guided a multi-method approach. Source materials included public documents and reports, the media, group discussions, interviews and participant observation. There were substantive differences between the two countries in the provision of and access to adult education at the macro-level but at the micro-level, individuals shared similar goals and issues. Swedes with the least education were accorded priority in access to formal education. In contrast, Canadians with the least education often had to rely on the volunteer sector. Other social policies in Sweden, particularly universal childcare and school lunches, facilitated individual participation in adult education. <p>The terminology used in the two countries implied different public perceptions of adult education and literacy. In Sweden, adult education had been a universal compensatory entitlement since 1967 and the term literacy was rarely used. Public policy initiatives in the 1990s focused on increasing the supply and diversity through additional funding for an already well-resourced adult education system. In Canada, literacy was considered a prescriptive, individual responsibility and resources went into public awareness campaigns and an extensive policy network rather than increased learning opportunities. Priority in access seemed to be given to adults most likely to succeed in further education or the job market. <p>Adult education policy discussions in both countries focused on formal learning with little reference to the significance of the century-old informal sector in Sweden. The costs and relative benefits of universal versus targeted social programs deserve further study. The reluctance of older, less educated workers to participate in formal adult education programs in both countries underscores the need for public policy that encourages bridging between informal and formal learning to effectively engage those who read, but not well enough, according to the International Adult Literacy Survey.

This study sought to understand policy factors underlying the differences between the literacy levels of Canadian and Swedish adults as reported in the International Adult Literacy Survey. The New Literacy Studies provided a critical perspective for comparing adult literacy as contextual rather than as a technical, pedagogical skill. Adult learning in rural and urban sites in Canada and Sweden was compared through a qualitative case study. The conceptual framework based on situated literacy and comprising policy-in-intent, policy-in-practice and policy-in-experience guided a multi-method approach. Source materials included public documents and reports, the media, group discussions, interviews and participant observation. There were substantive differences between the two countries in the provision of and access to adult education at the macro-level but at the micro-level, individuals shared similar goals and issues. Swedes with the least education were accorded priority in access to formal education. In contrast, Canadians with the least education often had to rely on the volunteer sector. Other social policies in Sweden, particularly universal childcare and school lunches, facilitated individual participation in adult education. <p>The terminology used in the two countries implied different public perceptions of adult education and literacy. In Sweden, adult education had been a universal compensatory entitlement since 1967 and the term literacy was rarely used. Public policy initiatives in the 1990s focused on increasing the supply and diversity through additional funding for an already well-resourced adult education system. In Canada, literacy was considered a prescriptive, individual responsibility and resources went into public awareness campaigns and an extensive policy network rather than increased learning opportunities. Priority in access seemed to be given to adults most likely to succeed in further education or the job market. <p>Adult education policy discussions in both countries focused on formal learning with little reference to the significance of the century-old informal sector in Sweden. The costs and relative benefits of universal versus targeted social programs deserve further study. The reluctance of older, less educated workers to participate in formal adult education programs in both countries underscores the need for public policy that encourages bridging between informal and formal learning to effectively engage those who read, but not well enough, according to the International Adult Literacy Survey.

Magister Artium - MA / Youth unemployment has become a national crisis in South Africa. The South African government has put policies in place to combat this challenge. Among the policies that have been implemented to address the problem of unemployment, is the National Skills Development Strategy (NSDS). The purpose of this study is to analyse the implementation of the NSDS by using the Department of Correctional Services (DSC) as a case study. The study explores the importance of public policy monitoring and evaluation within the DCS. This study analysed the implementation of the NSDS by looking at the Five C’s approach to implementation. The Five C’s (content, context, commitment, clients and coalitions, capacity) which also formed part of the literature review and theoretical framework. The Five C’s will form the basis of selection and assessing the implementation of the NSDS in the DCS and its subsequent monitoring and evaluation. The researcher used a triangulation approach as a research technique, which means that the researcher utilized different methods in collecting data. The research used DCS as a case study, and also made use of academic journals, government reports and policies.

No description available.

Discourse creates the world of policy. Discourse plays a key role within policy formation; political discourse is made visible within particular discursive (spoken and written) practices. Hence, mental health policy is the endpoint of a discursive process and that it is, in itself, an institutional process. The shared understanding necessary to formulate policy is crucial to persons who are responsible for policy decisions and recommendations. Since the public perception is that public policy problems are too complicated for ordinary people to deal with, the policy problem is reframed into manageable "bits." It is how these "bits" are framed, named, and made sense of that concern me most in the policymaking process. The purpose of this dissertation is to make visible the often invisible processes that occur in the creation of that final report. To do so, I use a discursive approach and a selection of discourse tokens, both talk and text, to examine the workings of the Florida Commission on Mental Health and Substance Abuse.

Cette thèse porte sur les pratiques de jugement en sciences humaines et sociales à l’Agence d’évaluation de la recherche et de l’enseignement supérieur, créée en 2007. Au moyen d’entretiens, d’observations et d’un travail sur archives, cette enquête approche l’élaboration et les usages des instruments d’évaluation au plus près des acteurs qui les conçoivent et les mettent en œuvre. Au croisement de la sociologie de l’action publique, de la sociologie des sciences, et de la sociologie des professions, cette thèse montre que la définition des « bonnes pratiques » scientifiques se façonne au gré d’alliances et de conflits intra-professionnels, plutôt qu’elle ne serait le produit de réformes imposées par le haut à la profession. Étudier une activité routinière au sein de la communauté académique -l’évaluation scientifique- dans les moments critiques où ses règles se reconfigurent, permet d’appréhender les réformes contemporaines qui affectent le monde académique. Si ces réformes peuvent affaiblir le pouvoir professionnel, dans notre cas, les scientifiques restent centraux dans le dispositif d’évaluation. L’AERES apparaît alors comme un microcosme où se jouent des conflits qui traversent la communauté académique elle-même. En effet, l’élaboration des instruments encadrant le jugement est innervée par des savoirs scientifiques en concurrence, et ces instruments peuvent être abandonnés face aux controverses qu’ils suscitent dans la profession. C’est alors la position de l’AERES vis-vis des autres instances scientifiques qu’il convient d’interroger, pour comprendre à quelles conditions ces instruments s’institutionnalisent et redéfinissent les pratiques de recherche légitimes. / This dissertation studies research assessment in the Humanities and Social Sciences, in a French evaluation agency (AERES) created in 2007. Based on interviews, ethnographic observations and archives, it approaches the elaboration and the uses of evaluative instruments close to the actors who conceive and implement them. At the crossroad of public policy analysis, sociology of science and sociology of professions, I show that the definition of scientific “good practices” is manufactured through intra-professional alliances and conflicts, rather than it would reflect top down reforms imposed to the profession. Studying a routine activity in the academic world – the scientific assessment – in the critical moments when its rules are reshaped, allows apprehending the contemporary reforms that affect the scientific sector. If those reforms might erode the professional power, in the case I study, the scientists remain at the heart of the evaluative system. The AERES appears then as a microcosm where conflicts within the academic profession can be seized. The construction of the evaluative instruments is nourished by competing scientific knowledge, and those instruments might be abandoned when they become controversial in the profession. Hence, the position of the AERES with respect to the other academic institution has to be questioned, in order to understand under what conditions those instruments redefine the legitimate research and assessment practices.

Cette thèse porte sur les fondements philosophiques des institutions démocratiques canadiennes et analyse comment leur conception réelle contribue à les atteindre. Pour passer de la théorie à la pratique, la démocratie doit être institutionnalisée. Les institutions ne sont pas que de simples contraintes sur les actions du gouvernement. Elles incarnent des normes démocratiques. Cependant, les théories démocratiques contemporaines sont souvent abstraites et désincarnées. Alors qu’elles étudient les fondements normatifs de la démocratie en général, elles réfléchissent rarement sur les mécanismes permettant d’atteindre l’idéal démocratique. À l’inverse, la science politique tente de tracer l’ensemble du paysage institutionnel entourant l’action de l’État. Mais l’approche de la science politique a une faiblesse majeure : elle n’offre aucune justification épistémologique ou morale des institutions démocratiques. Cette dichotomie entre les principes et les institutions est trompeuse. Les principes de la démocratie libérale sont incarnés par les institutions. En se concentrant sur les fondements philosophiques des institutions démocratiques et libérales, cette thèse fait revivre une longue tradition d’Aristote à John Stuart Mill et réunissant des penseurs comme Montesquieu et James Madison. Actuellement, la recherche universitaire se détourne encore des questions institutionnelles, sous prétexte qu’elles ne seraient pas assez philosophiques. Cependant, le design institutionnel est une question philosophique. Cette thèse propose des améliorations pour que les institutions démocratiques remplissent leur rôle philosophique de manière plus adéquate. Le suicide médicalement assisté est utilisé comme un exemple de l’influence des institutions sur la démocratie. / This thesis focuses on the philosophical foundations of the Canadian democratic institutions and how their actual design contributes to achieve them. To move from theory to practice, democracy must be institutionalized. Institutions are not only mere constraints on government actions. They embody democratic norms. However, contemporary democratic theories are often abstract and disembodied. While they study the normative foundations of democracy in general, they rarely reflect on mechanisms to achieve the democratic ideal. On the opposite, political science tries to draw the whole institutional landscape surrounding the state’s action. But the political science approach has a major weakness: it offers no epistemological or moral justifications for democratic institutions. This dichotomy between principles and institutions is misleading. The principles of liberal democracy are embodied by institutions. By focusing on the philosophical foundations of democratic and liberal institutions, this thesis revives a long tradition from Aristotle to John Stuart Mill, bringing together thinkers like Montesquieu and James Madison. Nowadays, academic research still diverts from institutional issues under the pretext that they would not be philosophical enough. However, institutional design is a philosophical matter. This thesis proposes improvements for democratic institutions to fulfill their philosophical role more adequately. Physician-assisted suicide is used as an example of the influence of institutions on democracy.

Esta dissertação tem como objetivo analisar o processo de formação da agenda na política remuneratória e de reajustes salariais da Educação do Município de São Paulo surgida em 2006. Tal política, caracterizada por reajustes dos pisos remuneratórios da categoria, seguidos de incorporações nos padrões de vencimentos parceladas nos anos subsequentes, surge no governo Serra-Kassab (2005-2008) e continua durante os governos Kassab (2009-2012) e Haddad (2013-2016), proporcionando ganhos salariais reais à categoria durante o período. Procuramos compreender as formas pelas quais o tema da valorização dos profissionais de educação ascende à agenda governamental em 2006. Para tanto, buscamos entender como os fluxos de problemas, soluções e político convergem, possibilitando a abertura de uma janela de oportunidade para que a política fosse considerada e implementada, de acordo com o Modelo de Múltiplos Fluxos, de John Kingdon. Utilizamos, ainda, o Modelo de Equilíbrio Pontuado, de Frank Baumgartner e Bryan Jones, para entendermos como a imagem do problema da valorização dos profissionais de educação se relacionou com seu contexto institucional. A partir da análise da legislação municipal, de jornais sindicais e de entrevistas com os principais atores do processo, alcançamos os seguintes resultados: os fluxos de problemas, soluções e político convergiram no governo Serra-Kassab, por meio da atuação dos empreendedores de políticas públicas e dos diversos atores que participaram do processo, possibilitando a ascensão da valorização dos profissionais de educação à agenda governamental, demandando, dessa forma, atenção especial por parte dos formuladores de políticas públicas da Administração Municipal, que, juntamente com os sindicatos, chegaram, após um longo processo de negociação, a um formato acerca da política de remuneração e de reajustes salariais / This dissertation aims to analyze the process of agenda-setting in the remuneration and salary readjustments policy of the Education of the Municipality of São Paulo which emerged in 2006. This policy, characterized by adjustments of the minimum wage of the category followed by divided incorporations in the base salaries in subsequent years, was introduced by the Serra-Kassab government (2005-2008) and kept by the Kassab (2009-2012) and Haddad (2013-2016) governments, providing real wage gains to the category during this period. We seek to understand the ways in which the theme of valuing education professionals ascended in the governmental agenda in 2006. In order to do so, we need to understand how the streams of problems, policies and politics converged, allowing the opening of a window for this policy to be considered and implemented, according to John Kingdon\'s Multiple Streams Model. Frank Baumgartner and Bryan Jones Punctuated Equilibrium Model was also used in order to understand how the image of the problem of valuing education professionals was related to the institutional context. From the analysis of municipal legislation, trade union newspapers, and interviews with the main actors of the process, the following results were reached: the streams of problems, policies, and politics converged in the Serra-Kassab government through the action of public-policy entrepreneurs and of various actors who took part in the process, enabling the rise of the valorization of education professionals in the governmental agenda, thus demanding special attention from public policy makers of the Municipal Administration, who, paired with trade unions, came up with, after a long negotiation process, a plan for the remuneration policy and salary readjustments

In 1974 the Australian Government decided that from 1975 all education on its Territory of Christmas Island, Indian Ocean, would be integrated into a single service. It further decided that all schools would be staffed by Australian teachers from its recent1y established Commonwealth Teaching Service and would implement a curriculum closely reflecting those on the Australian mainland. These were decisive shifts from the previous system of separating the 'Asian' education system from the 'European' (Australian) system. This thesis sets out to find the reasons for these decisions and the expectations, or objectives, of those who made them. The changes to education had many Impacts on the Christmas Island community - both intended or unintended. These impacts are used to assist in evaluations of the policy objectives. The thesis uses the methodology of public policy analysis to examine the links between the government's education policy and its other broader policies regarding the Island. It thus examines operational decisions in the context of strategic considerations. The mid 1970s saw rapid changes in many Australian Government policies. Its new Christmas Island policies were responses to a range of complex, interrelated problems which emerged in the early 1970s - only 15 years after it assumed sovereignty. At the centre of these policy responses was Resettlement. The government's education decisions are examined in the light of the objectives and implications of its Resettlement policy as well as other inputs to the policy problem.