Orito Field occupies an area of 31 mi² (80 km²) in the west-central portion of the Putumayo Basin, Colombia and forms part of an extensive littoral system that dominated sedimentation during Albian-Aptian time. The Caballos Formation represents the oldest Cretaceous unit, and was deposited at the beginning of a retrogradational episode immediately above the eroded Triassic-Jurassic surface. The Caballos Formation has an average thickness of 240 ft (73 m) and is largely composed of fine grained, highly compacted quartzarenites, cemented by quartz and kaolinite. A geologic model integrating all the available information allows the definition of four depositional events in the Caballos. The lowest depositional unit is composed of fluvial deposits with minor tidal influence. These fluvial sands grade upward into estuarine deposits formed in tidal channels and tidal flats, that are in turn overlain by tidal channel deposits, and are finally eroded and overlain by tidal mouth bars deposits. The vertical facies association is the product of a retrogradational episode and represents deposition in a tide-modified estuary, inside which diagenetic processes acted differently modifying the petrophysical properties of the facies that compose the Caballos reservoir in Orito field. Historical production trends of the Caballos reservoir correlate with the major depositional axes defined in this study and allow to delineation of high potential areas for future development, by means of targeted infill drilling and workovers.

Interpretation of seismic profiles, earthquake fault-plane solutions, radar images, and geometry of structures suggests that two different structural styles are viable alternatives for the Putumayo basin in Colombia. An eastern domain, varying in width from 4 to 13 km, might be characterized by strike-slip faulting parallel to the Andes because it exhibits similar structures to those formed in restraining bend settings, an example is the Orito fold, the largest known oil field in the basin. Correlation of seismic reflections with wells into the Orito fold and foreland indicates a post-Miocene age for this structure. Previous interpretations of contractional dip-slip movement on Andes-parallel structures, as proposed by Portilla (1991) with faults involving basement, are also viable. A 15 km-width western domain is interpreted as a region of foreland-dipping rocks uplifted above their regional level by wedging of pre-Cretaceous (?) rocks beneath known Jurassic rocks. Above the Jurassic rocks thin-skinned deformation occurs inside of the Mesozoic and Cenozoic sedimentary cover, also in the form of wedging. Mesozoic and Paleozoic (?) rocks were injected into of a late Cretaceous-early Paleocene unit composed of shale. The western domain is truncated to the west by a major reverse fault that places Paleozoic rocks over Mesozoic and Cenozoic rocks. / text

Este trabalho sintetiza uma tentativa de explicação da complexidade socioespacial da relação dialética entre os camponeses-indígenas e o Estado, tomando o caso da comunidade camponesa-indígena Awá do Departamento do Putumayo, na região do piedemonte amazônico do sudoeste da Colômbia e que, desde sempre, tem sido área periférica no processo de conformação territorial do Estado-Nação colombiano. O desenvolvimento da pesquisa permitiu entrelaçar duas histórias, sendo, a primeira, da colonização do piedemonte do Putumayo por parte de comunidades camponesas e indígenas deslocadas das regiões adjacentes por efeito do processo de concentração da terra, as quais recriaram relações camponesas de produção no Putumayo baseadas na posse da terra e o cultivo da coca e, a segunda; a história do deslocamento das comunidades Awá de seu território ancestral no Departamento de Nariño até o Putumayo, processo em que se somaram ao resto do processo colonizador e perderam muitas das suas tradições ancestrais indígenas. A partir de meados da década de 1990, o Estado colombiano se embarca na tarefa de consolidar seu processo de institucionalização nas suas áreas periféricas (principalmente o Putumayo), mediante o combate à produção da coca, utilizando-se de estratégias de forte impacto para a vida das comunidades camponesas como a fumigação aérea e o controle militar. As comunidades reagem a esta iniciativa estatal com uma série de mobilizações em que reclamam seu direito a serem considerados como cidadãos e exigem a implantação do Desenvolvimento Alternativo. A resposta do Estado às mobilizações camponesas é a realização do Plano Colômbia, um gigantesco plano de combate à produção de coca mediante operativos militares para o confronto com as guerrilhas insurgentes, erradicação forçada dos cultivos de coca e imposição de estratégias de desenvolvimento alternativo, elaborado sob a influência dos Estados Unidos. Os impactos negativos deste plano e da incursão sistemática dos grupos paramilitares produziram um deslocamento em massa da população rural e o deterioro das condições de vida da população despejada da terra. Ante estes graves impactos, as comunidades camponesas como os Awá decidem retomar suas características ancestrais indígenas para assegurarem a propriedade da terra e outros benefícios consagrados na legislação, mas, neste processo vão se distanciando entre elas pela concorrência por benefícios estatais, e gerando processos de auto-segregação. / This paper synthesizes an attempt of explanation of the sociospatial complexity of the dialectic relationship between the peasant-indians and the State, showing the case of the peasant-indian Awá community from the Putumayo Department at the Amazonian piedemonte region in southwestern Colombia, which has always been peripheral respect to the territorial conformation of Colombian State. The development of this research allowed us to tie two histories: one. of Putumayo´s piedemonte colonization by peasant and Indian people, displaced from the surrounding regions affected by land concentration, which recreated peasant production relationships at Putumayo, based upon land possession and coca cultivation, and, the other, the history of Awá people displacement from their ancient territory at Nariño Department to Putumayo, process in which they became part of the rest of the piedemonte colonization and lose many of their Indian cultural traditions. Since the mid-nineties, Colombian State assumes the task of consolidating the process of institutionalization in its periphery (mainly at Putumayo), by means of attacking drug cultivation, using harassing strategies for both peasant and Indian communities as aerial fumigation and military control. Those communities react to that initiative with series of mobilizations in which they claim for their right to be considered as citizens and demand for the implementation of Alternative Development programs. The State response to that mobilization comes with the development of Colombia Plan, a gigantic program for combating drug production through military operations for coca crops fumigation and confrontation with the leftist rebel forces, accused of being supportive of those activities. In addition to that there was the imposition of Alternative Development programs in a strategy by which the coca cultivators were obligated to sign the accords for coca eradication so they would not get their crops fumigated. The negative impacts of such policies and of the invasion of paramilitary forces, produced a massive displacement of rural population, and the deterioration of life conditions for the people displaced from their lands. Because of these impacts, peasant communities like Awá, decide to retake their Indian ancestral characteristics to get complete recognition of their land tenure and other benefits established in the constitution for the Indian people, but, in this process, they come to get separated from other communities of peasants and Indians in a competition for legal benefits, creating auto-segregation processes.

La provincia de Putumayo, ubicada en la región Loreto, tiene altos niveles de pobreza, producto de su bajo desarrollo económico y aislamiento geográfico, en un contexto de turbulencia política y social, afectada por la corrupción y el narcotráfico. No obstante lo anterior, Putumayo cuenta con una gran biodiversidad, lugares con potencial turístico y un alto interés geopolítico por su ubicación limítrofe con Ecuador y Colombia. Dichas ventajas comparativas no se han concretado en desarrollo económico para la provincia. Por el contrario, el aislamiento que padece por parte del Gobierno Central y la inseguridad ciudadana relacionada con el narcotráfico, ha ocasionado que la población de esa jurisdicción pierda su identificación con el Perú, y que las iniciativas de inversión sean mínimas. El presente documento presenta estrategias que buscan aprovechar las potencialidades internas de la provincia, así como las oportunidades que se presentan en el contexto nacional e internacional para desarrollar industrias exitosas alrededor del turismo y agricultura. Se propone además una visión de provincia a largo plazo, en donde el desarrollo económico de Putumayo y la calidad de vida de sus habitantes la conviertan en un referente en Latinoamérica, basado en un desarrollo con responsabilidad social y medioambiental. / The province of Putumayo located in the Loreto Region has high levels of poverty as a result of its low economic development and geographic isolation in a context of political and social turbulence affected by corruption and drug trafficking. However, Putumayo has great biodiversity, places with tourism potential and a high geopolitical interest because of its bordering location with Ecuador and Colombia, but these comparative advantages have not been translated into economic development for the province. On the contrary, the isolation suffered by the central government and citizen insecurity related to drug trafficking has led to its population losing its identification with Peru and investment initiatives are minimal. This document presents strategies that take advantage of the province's potential as well as the opportunities presented by the national and international context to develop successful industries around tourism and agriculture at the industrial level. It also proposes a vision of a long-term province where the economic development of Putumayo and the quality of life of its inhabitants make it a reference in Latin America, based on a development with social responsibility and environmental responsibility. / Tesis

Este trabalho sintetiza uma tentativa de explicação da complexidade socioespacial da relação dialética entre os camponeses-indígenas e o Estado, tomando o caso da comunidade camponesa-indígena Awá do Departamento do Putumayo, na região do piedemonte amazônico do sudoeste da Colômbia e que, desde sempre, tem sido área periférica no processo de conformação territorial do Estado-Nação colombiano. O desenvolvimento da pesquisa permitiu entrelaçar duas histórias, sendo, a primeira, da colonização do piedemonte do Putumayo por parte de comunidades camponesas e indígenas deslocadas das regiões adjacentes por efeito do processo de concentração da terra, as quais recriaram relações camponesas de produção no Putumayo baseadas na posse da terra e o cultivo da coca e, a segunda; a história do deslocamento das comunidades Awá de seu território ancestral no Departamento de Nariño até o Putumayo, processo em que se somaram ao resto do processo colonizador e perderam muitas das suas tradições ancestrais indígenas. A partir de meados da década de 1990, o Estado colombiano se embarca na tarefa de consolidar seu processo de institucionalização nas suas áreas periféricas (principalmente o Putumayo), mediante o combate à produção da coca, utilizando-se de estratégias de forte impacto para a vida das comunidades camponesas como a fumigação aérea e o controle militar. As comunidades reagem a esta iniciativa estatal com uma série de mobilizações em que reclamam seu direito a serem considerados como cidadãos e exigem a implantação do Desenvolvimento Alternativo. A resposta do Estado às mobilizações camponesas é a realização do Plano Colômbia, um gigantesco plano de combate à produção de coca mediante operativos militares para o confronto com as guerrilhas insurgentes, erradicação forçada dos cultivos de coca e imposição de estratégias de desenvolvimento alternativo, elaborado sob a influência dos Estados Unidos. Os impactos negativos deste plano e da incursão sistemática dos grupos paramilitares produziram um deslocamento em massa da população rural e o deterioro das condições de vida da população despejada da terra. Ante estes graves impactos, as comunidades camponesas como os Awá decidem retomar suas características ancestrais indígenas para assegurarem a propriedade da terra e outros benefícios consagrados na legislação, mas, neste processo vão se distanciando entre elas pela concorrência por benefícios estatais, e gerando processos de auto-segregação. / This paper synthesizes an attempt of explanation of the sociospatial complexity of the dialectic relationship between the peasant-indians and the State, showing the case of the peasant-indian Awá community from the Putumayo Department at the Amazonian piedemonte region in southwestern Colombia, which has always been peripheral respect to the territorial conformation of Colombian State. The development of this research allowed us to tie two histories: one. of Putumayo´s piedemonte colonization by peasant and Indian people, displaced from the surrounding regions affected by land concentration, which recreated peasant production relationships at Putumayo, based upon land possession and coca cultivation, and, the other, the history of Awá people displacement from their ancient territory at Nariño Department to Putumayo, process in which they became part of the rest of the piedemonte colonization and lose many of their Indian cultural traditions. Since the mid-nineties, Colombian State assumes the task of consolidating the process of institutionalization in its periphery (mainly at Putumayo), by means of attacking drug cultivation, using harassing strategies for both peasant and Indian communities as aerial fumigation and military control. Those communities react to that initiative with series of mobilizations in which they claim for their right to be considered as citizens and demand for the implementation of Alternative Development programs. The State response to that mobilization comes with the development of Colombia Plan, a gigantic program for combating drug production through military operations for coca crops fumigation and confrontation with the leftist rebel forces, accused of being supportive of those activities. In addition to that there was the imposition of Alternative Development programs in a strategy by which the coca cultivators were obligated to sign the accords for coca eradication so they would not get their crops fumigated. The negative impacts of such policies and of the invasion of paramilitary forces, produced a massive displacement of rural population, and the deterioration of life conditions for the people displaced from their lands. Because of these impacts, peasant communities like Awá, decide to retake their Indian ancestral characteristics to get complete recognition of their land tenure and other benefits established in the constitution for the Indian people, but, in this process, they come to get separated from other communities of peasants and Indians in a competition for legal benefits, creating auto-segregation processes.

Imperial Europes relationship with the tropical world was characterized by intrigue and fascination combined with a fear of difference. This combined intrigue and fear developed over time into a set of stereotypes and myths about the tropics, which by the 19th century had solidified into a powerful discourse historian David Arnold calls tropicality. As Europes interaction with the tropical world increased and its need for tropical resources grew, tropicality became a powerful tool for legitimizing European interference in and exploitation of the tropics. Embedded in the language of science and the promise of progress, it reaffirmed European superiority and its necessary role as the bearer of civilization for the tropical world. <p>Perhaps the most powerful characteristic of tropicality was its inherent ambivalence. The Amazon basin has been a particularly important source for the creation and maintenance of these stereotypes about the tropical world. Reinvented by Alexander von Humboldt as an exotic paradise at the beginning of the nineteenth century, the Amazon basin continued throughout the century to inspire commentary, exploration, and exploitation from abroad. As contact with the Amazon increased, ideas about the tropics began to change. What once was thought of as a pristine paradise became perceived as sinister, diseased, and savage. By the end of the nineteenth century, the tropical world, its people and nature, was considered to be an obstacle to civilization, and its very ability to become civilized began to be questioned.<p>Rubber, an increasingly important and lucrative imperial resource at the end of the nineteenth century, brought people from around the world to the Amazon basin. This resulted in the creation of a contact zone of different peoples, cultures, and idea, which was important for the moulding and maintenance of tropical stereotypes and myths. This was especially the case in the Putumayo, a border zone between modern day Colombia and Peru, where the brutal treatment of workers and the promise of civilization clashed. Through an exploration of travel diaries, newspapers, parliamentary papers, and other works about the tropics and rubber, this thesis argues that the manner in which rubber and its environment were depicted legitimized its control and exploitation from the outside. Couched in the rhetoric of civilization, tropicality helped justify the exploitation of rubber, the environment in which it grew, and the peoples that lived there.

Imperial Europes relationship with the tropical world was characterized by intrigue and fascination combined with a fear of difference. This combined intrigue and fear developed over time into a set of stereotypes and myths about the tropics, which by the 19th century had solidified into a powerful discourse historian David Arnold calls tropicality. As Europes interaction with the tropical world increased and its need for tropical resources grew, tropicality became a powerful tool for legitimizing European interference in and exploitation of the tropics. Embedded in the language of science and the promise of progress, it reaffirmed European superiority and its necessary role as the bearer of civilization for the tropical world. <p>Perhaps the most powerful characteristic of tropicality was its inherent ambivalence. The Amazon basin has been a particularly important source for the creation and maintenance of these stereotypes about the tropical world. Reinvented by Alexander von Humboldt as an exotic paradise at the beginning of the nineteenth century, the Amazon basin continued throughout the century to inspire commentary, exploration, and exploitation from abroad. As contact with the Amazon increased, ideas about the tropics began to change. What once was thought of as a pristine paradise became perceived as sinister, diseased, and savage. By the end of the nineteenth century, the tropical world, its people and nature, was considered to be an obstacle to civilization, and its very ability to become civilized began to be questioned.<p>Rubber, an increasingly important and lucrative imperial resource at the end of the nineteenth century, brought people from around the world to the Amazon basin. This resulted in the creation of a contact zone of different peoples, cultures, and idea, which was important for the moulding and maintenance of tropical stereotypes and myths. This was especially the case in the Putumayo, a border zone between modern day Colombia and Peru, where the brutal treatment of workers and the promise of civilization clashed. Through an exploration of travel diaries, newspapers, parliamentary papers, and other works about the tropics and rubber, this thesis argues that the manner in which rubber and its environment were depicted legitimized its control and exploitation from the outside. Couched in the rhetoric of civilization, tropicality helped justify the exploitation of rubber, the environment in which it grew, and the peoples that lived there.

La provincia de Putumayo, ubicada en la región Loreto, tiene altos niveles de pobreza, producto de su bajo desarrollo económico y aislamiento geográfico, en un contexto de turbulencia política y social, afectada por la corrupción y el narcotráfico. No obstante lo anterior, Putumayo cuenta con una gran biodiversidad, lugares con potencial turístico y un alto interés geopolítico por su ubicación limítrofe con Ecuador y Colombia. Dichas ventajas comparativas no se han concretado en desarrollo económico para la provincia. Por el contrario, el aislamiento que padece por parte del Gobierno Central y la inseguridad ciudadana relacionada con el narcotráfico, ha ocasionado que la población de esa jurisdicción pierda su identificación con el Perú, y que las iniciativas de inversión sean mínimas. El presente documento presenta estrategias que buscan aprovechar las potencialidades internas de la provincia, así como las oportunidades que se presentan en el contexto nacional e internacional para desarrollar industrias exitosas alrededor del turismo y agricultura. Se propone además una visión de provincia a largo plazo, en donde el desarrollo económico de Putumayo y la calidad de vida de sus habitantes la conviertan en un referente en Latinoamérica, basado en un desarrollo con responsabilidad social y medioambiental. / The province of Putumayo located in the Loreto Region has high levels of poverty as a result of its low economic development and geographic isolation in a context of political and social turbulence affected by corruption and drug trafficking. However, Putumayo has great biodiversity, places with tourism potential and a high geopolitical interest because of its bordering location with Ecuador and Colombia, but these comparative advantages have not been translated into economic development for the province. On the contrary, the isolation suffered by the central government and citizen insecurity related to drug trafficking has led to its population losing its identification with Peru and investment initiatives are minimal. This document presents strategies that take advantage of the province's potential as well as the opportunities presented by the national and international context to develop successful industries around tourism and agriculture at the industrial level. It also proposes a vision of a long-term province where the economic development of Putumayo and the quality of life of its inhabitants make it a reference in Latin America, based on a development with social responsibility and environmental responsibility.

Este trabajo busca analizar la construcción de la noción de alteridad a través de la experiencia del cónsul británico, el irlandés Roger Casement, en las áreas que rodean las dos riberas del Putumayo, acercamiento para el cual nos hemos basado tanto en sus escritos como en sus informes, correspondencia y, sobre todo, sus diarios personales. En primer lugar, se pasa revista a la realidad social y al imaginario del poblador de la Amazonía peruana, particularmente en la época de la explotación del caucho, surgida cuando la zona era de muy difícil acceso. La economía cauchera provocó en la Amazonía una prosperidad impresionante pero efímera, debido a la gran competencia del caucho asiático, de modo que la economía basada en este producto natural desapareció rápidamente, apareciendo una gran desocupación, acompañada de desaceleración económica, emigración masiva, destrucción del medio ambiente y reducción demográfica, entre otros graves problemas. En la historia de la producción del caucho lo más escandaloso fueron los abusos, maltratos y crímenes en contra de los indígenas, por medio de acciones tan crueles como la tortura, el asesinato, los castigos con látigo, incluso el genocidio. En esta tesis se utilizan como fuentes primarias fundamentales los textos del propio Casement, Diario del Amazonas y el informe Libro Azul Británico: informe de Roger Casement y otras cartas sobre las atrocidades en el Putumayo. Sobre la base de ellos, analizaremos cómo se construyeron las nociones de alteridad respecto de la población autóctona en la zona del Putumayo, lo cual se traducía, entre otros puntos, en su constante reclamo por los derechos humanos de los indígenas. En efecto, el cónsul británico guardaba simpatía por las poblaciones aborígenes, lo que se evidenciaba ya desde la época de su estancia en el Congo, y se concretaría al llegar a la Amazonía peruana. Roger Casement era un católico tradicional irlandés, lo que, a la postre, fue factor determinante en su simpatía por los explotados y desposeídos. Casement veía las cosas desde un punto de vista religioso, lo que en su caso lo empujaba a denunciar los crímenes ocurridos en el Putumayo, enfrentando asimismo muchos obstáculos y arriesgando su propia vida con sus reclamos. Sin embargo, Casement, un luchador y héroe de su época, no era perfecto. Muchas veces su manera de comportarse lo mostraba como un hombre contradictorio. Como católico el cónsul Casement consideraba que todos los seres humanos, sean europeos o indígenas, eran iguales, porque todos eran hijos de Dios. Por otro lado, estaba de acuerdo en que hay razas más civilizadas, menos civilizadas y razas salvajes. Respecto de la civilización, observaba con beneplácito la civilización y modernidad de Alemania y pensaba que, en vez de España e Inglaterra, Alemania sería la única esperanza para los “salvajes” indígenas de poder salir adelante. Otra contradicción consistía en que Casement apoyaba la expansión capitalista hacia todo el mundo, para conquistar y civilizar las regiones “salvajes”. No solo lo apoyaba, también hizo un gran esfuerzo en favor de dicha expansión. Podría afirmarse, por tanto, que Casement era un hombre ambigüo: por una parte, un católico bondadoso, muy generoso con su prójimo, pero al mismo tiempo un entusiasta de las ideas eurocéntricas etnicistas y eugenésicas de la época, un “racista” en buena cuenta quizás sería más apropiado decir, aunque siempre tomando en consideración los criterios positivistas de la época, que fusionaban ambas caras, un “representante de civilización”, es decir, un buen cristiano victoriano, un paternalista “defensor y protector de los más débiles”. / Tesis

Este trabajo busca analizar la construcción de la noción de alteridad a través de la experiencia del cónsul británico, el irlandés Roger Casement, en las áreas que rodean las dos riberas del Putumayo, acercamiento para el cual nos hemos basado tanto en sus escritos como en sus informes, correspondencia y, sobre todo, sus diarios personales. En primer lugar, se pasa revista a la realidad social y al imaginario del poblador de la Amazonía peruana, particularmente en la época de la explotación del caucho, surgida cuando la zona era de muy difícil acceso. La economía cauchera provocó en la Amazonía una prosperidad impresionante pero efímera, debido a la gran competencia del caucho asiático, de modo que la economía basada en este producto natural desapareció rápidamente, apareciendo una gran desocupación, acompañada de desaceleración económica, emigración masiva, destrucción del medio ambiente y reducción demográfica, entre otros graves problemas. En la historia de la producción del caucho lo más escandaloso fueron los abusos, maltratos y crímenes en contra de los indígenas, por medio de acciones tan crueles como la tortura, el asesinato, los castigos con látigo, incluso el genocidio. En esta tesis se utilizan como fuentes primarias fundamentales los textos del propio Casement, Diario del Amazonas y el informe Libro Azul Británico: informe de Roger Casement y otras cartas sobre las atrocidades en el Putumayo. Sobre la base de ellos, analizaremos cómo se construyeron las nociones de alteridad respecto de la población autóctona en la zona del Putumayo, lo cual se traducía, entre otros puntos, en su constante reclamo por los derechos humanos de los indígenas. En efecto, el cónsul británico guardaba simpatía por las poblaciones aborígenes, lo que se evidenciaba ya desde la época de su estancia en el Congo, y se concretaría al llegar a la Amazonía peruana. Roger Casement era un católico tradicional irlandés, lo que, a la postre, fue factor determinante en su simpatía por los explotados y desposeídos. Casement veía las cosas desde un punto de vista religioso, lo que en su caso lo empujaba a denunciar los crímenes ocurridos en el Putumayo, enfrentando asimismo muchos obstáculos y arriesgando su propia vida con sus reclamos. Sin embargo, Casement, un luchador y héroe de su época, no era perfecto. Muchas veces su manera de comportarse lo mostraba como un hombre contradictorio. Como católico el cónsul Casement consideraba que todos los seres humanos, sean europeos o indígenas, eran iguales, porque todos eran hijos de Dios. Por otro lado, estaba de acuerdo en que hay razas más civilizadas, menos civilizadas y razas salvajes. Respecto de la civilización, observaba con beneplácito la civilización y modernidad de Alemania y pensaba que, en vez de España e Inglaterra, Alemania sería la única esperanza para los “salvajes” indígenas de poder salir adelante. Otra contradicción consistía en que Casement apoyaba la expansión capitalista hacia todo el mundo, para conquistar y civilizar las regiones “salvajes”. No solo lo apoyaba, también hizo un gran esfuerzo en favor de dicha expansión. Podría afirmarse, por tanto, que Casement era un hombre ambigüo: por una parte, un católico bondadoso, muy generoso con su prójimo, pero al mismo tiempo un entusiasta de las ideas eurocéntricas etnicistas y eugenésicas de la época, un “racista” en buena cuenta quizás sería más apropiado decir, aunque siempre tomando en consideración los criterios positivistas de la época, que fusionaban ambas caras, un “representante de civilización”, es decir, un buen cristiano victoriano, un paternalista “defensor y protector de los más débiles”. / Tesis