published_or_final_version / abstract / Chinese / Master / Master of Philosophy

梁鳳儀. / 手稿本 (copies 2 & 3 複印本) / Thesis (Ph.d.)--香港中文大學硏究院中國文化硏究學部. / Shou gao ben (copies 2 & 3 fu yin ben) / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 1506-1509). / Liang Fengyi. / Thesis (Ph.d.)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue yan jiu yuan Zhongguo wen hua yan jiu xue bu. / 自序 --- p.6-27 / 章節撮要 --- p.28-52 / Chapter 第一章 --- 緒論 / Chapter 第一節 --- 本論文的研究宗旨 --- p.53-71 / Chapter 第二節 --- 晚清通俗小說的倡議緣起 --- p.72-88 / Chapter 第三節 --- 晚清通俗小說的誕生 --- p.89-115 / Chapter 第四節 --- 本論文研究的範圍及材料的限制 --- p.116-161 / Chapter 第二章 --- 西方知識之引介 / Chapter 第一節 --- 競存思想之普及　 --- p.162-190 / Chapter 第二節 --- 灌輸武勇精神 --- p.191-225 / Chapter 第三節 --- 介紹西方政治司法與科技　 --- p.226-280 / Chapter 第四節 --- 從提倡俗語到新文言的產生　 --- p.281-325 / Chapter 第三章 --- 立憲與革命的思潮及其批評 / Chapter 第一節 --- 立憲維新　　　　　　　　 --- p.326-388 / Chapter 第二節 --- 革命反滿　　　　　　　　 --- p.389-464 / Chapter 第三節 --- 暴露滿清官吏無能與阻礙改革　 --- p.465-513 / Chapter 第四節 --- 對維新人物的諷刺　　　　 --- p.514-593 / Chapter 第四章 --- 改良社會風氣與婦女解放 / Chapter 第一節 --- 道德的敗壞　　　　　　　 --- p.594-652 / Chapter 第二節 --- 鴉片的禍害　　　　　　　 --- p.653-703 / Chapter 第三節 --- 迷信的禍害　　　　　　　 --- p.704-752 / Chapter 第四節 --- 婦女解放與反纏足　　　　 --- p.753-824 / Chapter 第五章 --- 政治病態的指評 / Chapter 第一節 --- 受列強的欺壓　　　　　　 --- p.825-898 / Chapter 第二節 --- 官吏的崇洋媚外　　　　　 --- p.899-981 / Chapter 第三節 --- 官吏的貪污　　　　　　 --- p.982-1038 / Chapter 第四節 --- 政壇腐化與司法黑暗　 --- p.1039-1094 / Chapter 第六章 --- 自強事業之推行 / Chapter 第一節 --- 廢八股　　　　　　　 --- p.1095-1154 / Chapter 第二節 --- 興辦學校　　　　　　 --- p.1155-1230 / Chapter 第三節 --- 興辦洋務　　　　　　 --- p.1231-1310 / Chapter 第七章 --- 結論 / Chapter 第一節 --- 晚清小說與歷史的距離　 --- p.1311-1338 / Chapter 第二節 --- 社會的反應與小說家的思想　 --- p.1339-1366 / Chapter 第三節 --- 晚清小說與歷史背景　 --- p.1367-1469 / Chapter 第四節 --- 晚清小說家貢獻的分析　 --- p.1470-1505

手稿覆寫本. / Thesis (M.A.)--香港中文大學. / Shou gao fu xie ben. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 388-431). / Thesis (M.A.)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue. / 導論 --- p.1-8 / Chapter (一) --- 什么是諷刺小說 --- p.1-4 / Chapter (二) --- 諷刺小說的作用及在文學中的地位 --- p.5-8 / Chapter 第一章 --- 散論中國的諷刺文學 --- p.9-51 / Chapter (一) --- 最早的諷刺文學 --- p.9-14 / Chapter (二) --- 諷刺小說出現前的中國諷刺文學 --- p.15-30 / Chapter (三) --- 諷刺小說的蘊釀 --- p.31-47 / Chapter (四) --- 中國諷刺小說的正式形成 --- p.48-51 / Chapter 第二章 --- 諷刺小說形成于清代的原因 --- p.52-79 / Chapter (一) --- 產生儒林外史的時代背景 --- p.54-61 / Chapter (二) --- 清代小說的技巧日趨成熟 --- p.62-71 / Chapter (三) --- 吳敬梓的天才和條件 --- p.72-78 / Chapter 第三章 --- 儒林外史的主題思想 --- p.80-120 / Chapter (一) --- 儒林外史所諷刺的內容 --- p.80-97 / Chapter (二) --- 諷刺的目的 --- p.98-103 / Chapter (三) --- 吳敬梓的理想道路 --- p.104-111 / Chapter (四) --- 從儒林外史主題思想看吳敬梓的思想實質 --- p.112-120 / Chapter 第四章 --- 儒林外史的諷刺藝術 --- p.121-184 / Chapter (一) --- 意在言外的筆法 --- p.121-132 / Chapter (二) --- 點破的功夫 --- p.133-139 / Chapter (三) --- 对比的手法 --- p.140-149 / Chapter (四) --- 正筆與反意 --- p.150-159 / Chapter (五) --- 借此諷彼 --- p.160-168 / Chapter (六) --- 明刺 --- p.169-175 / Chapter (七) --- 寓諷刺於戲劇性情節中 --- p.176-184 / Chapter 第五章 --- 儒林外史西歐著名諷刺小說的比較 --- p.185-245 / Chapter (一) --- 共同的基礎 --- p.189-209 / Chapter (二) --- 西歐幾部著名諷刺小說的藝術特點 --- p.210-225 / Chapter (三) --- 從比較中看儒林外史的民族特色 --- p.226-239 / Chapter (四) --- 汲長補短 --- p.240-243 / Chapter (五) --- 儒林外史的世界性評價 --- p.244-245 / Chapter 第六章 --- 諷刺小說在晚清的發展 --- p.246-294 / Chapter (一) --- 譴責小說的出現 --- p.246-249 / Chapter (二) --- 從諷刺發展為譴責的原因 --- p.250-255 / Chapter (三) --- 譴責小說的典型筆法 --- p.256-276 / Chapter (四) --- 譴責小說在藝術表現方法的缺點 --- p.277-291 / Chapter (五) --- 清代諷刺小說後勁不繼 --- p.292-294 / Chapter 第七章 --- 魯迅把諷刺小說推向一個新高峰 --- p.295-346 / Chapter (一) --- 魯迅小說諷刺技巧的特徽 --- p.295-332 / Chapter (二) --- 繼承與發展 --- p.333-344 / Chapter (三) --- 中國諷刺小說呈現了一個新局面 --- p.345-346 / Chapter 第八章 --- 諷刺小說創作的幾點原則 --- p.347-386 / Chapter (一) --- 冷嘲還是熱諷 --- p.349-357 / Chapter (二) --- 真實與誇張 --- p.357-368 / Chapter (三) --- 婉而多諷 --- p.369-372 / Chapter (四) --- 典型性與特性 --- p.373-377 / Chapter (五) --- 正與反 --- p.378-380 / Chapter (六) --- 感而能諧 --- p.381-386

Representing the first comprehensive study of Tibetan medical institutions, this dissertation argues that medicine played a crucial role in the development of Tibetan Buddhism outside of Tibet during the Qing dynasty (1644-1911), while Tibetan Buddhism played a vital role in the governance of the northern and western borderlands of the Qing Empire. During the same period remembered today for the rise of science along mercantile-colonialist sea routes, an inland network of Tibetan Buddhist monastic medical colleges (gso rig or sman pa grwa tshang) proliferated in tandem with the expansion of the Qing Empire over Inner Asia. My study examines these developments from a regional rather than an anachronistic nation-state perspective, historicizing both the "Tibetan" medical system and its community of practitioners within the context of Qing imperial expansion and decline. Combining the approaches of intellectual and institutional history, I argue that the medical colleges of Tibetan Buddhist monasteries bridged the realms of ritual and materiality that we understand as separate today, providing a key site for the display of benevolent governance, and serving as a vital forum for intellectual and material exchange between the Qing court and peoples of the Tibetan Buddhist frontiers. The "monastic guidelines" (bca' yig) of Tibetan medical colleges provide a window into these institutions' ritual and medical curricula, as well as debates over medical orthodoxy that took place within and between them. Historical narratives within monastic guidelines served as frameworks of legitimacy and templates for ritual practice, and the boundaries of medicine as a discipline were negotiated through the selective incorporation of various medical lineages and traditions. I explore the relationship between ritual debates, doctrinal debates, and ideas about how to both encourage and circumscribe experience within the monastic guidelines of medical colleges. One of the major issues at stake was the relationship between innovation and revelation, as physicians could claim a special insight into the experience of their predecessors in a medical lineage. While innovation was necessary for expertise in healing, revelation was potentially dangerous to the state. Such medical debates give us insight into ideas about the relationship between social and epistemic order taught within Tibetan Buddhist institutions as they spread within the Qing Empire. With the advent of new ways of defining territorial and disciplinary boundaries in the early twentieth century, ritual technologies for defining social and epistemic order were replaced by new institutional structures. I consider why the greater circulation of medical knowledge within the Qing Empire was followed by a fragmentation of medical nationalisms. While Han Chinese nationalists embraced the culture of science as a defensive strategy against Western powers and as a political strategy to distance themselves from the Qing formation, Tibetan Buddhists did not seek such a radical break. Similar and connected medical reforms in Lhasa, Eastern Tibet, Mongolia, and Buryatia reveal the continuity of Tibetan Buddhist knowledge networks and early cooperation among their separate nationalist projects. In the broader context of the history of science, the example of Tibetan Buddhist medical institutions points to the centrality of early modern networks of knowledge in determining modern political configurations.

Following several successful military expeditions against the Mongols in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, the Manchu rulers of Qing China (1644-1911) met an unprecedented challenge as they incorporated culturally different subjects into their growing empire. After doubling in territory and tripling in population, how did the multicultural Qing operate? How did the new imperial subjects receive and reinterpret Qing state policies? What have been the ramifications of the eighteenth-century political innovations in modern China? In this dissertation, I address these questions by examining the encounters of the expanding Qing empire with Tibetans and Mongols in Inner Asia. Central to the analysis is Tibetan Buddhism, to which Mongols and Tibetans have adhered for centuries. Recent decades have seen a growing volume of research attending to Tibetan Buddhism within the context of the Qing’s imperial policies, but key questions still remain with regards to the perspective of these Inner Asian communities and the reasons for their participation in the imperial enterprise. The inadequate understanding of the Qing’s interaction with Tibetan Buddhism is predicated upon the assumption that Qing emperors propitiated the belligerent Mongols by patronizing their religion. While this premise acknowledges Tibetan Buddhism’s importance in the Qing’s imperial formation, it simultaneously deprives those practicing the religion of agency. The purpose of this dissertation is to analyze how the empire was ruled from the viewpoint of the governed. The project draws evidence from Tibetan-language biographies and monastic chronicles, letters in the Mongolian language, as well as local gazetteers, artisanal manuals, and court statutes in Chinese and Manchu, the two official languages in the Qing era. These textual sources are supplemented by Tibetan Buddhist artifacts housed in museums and libraries in North America and Asia. Through an examination of the wide array of source materials, I argue that the Qing imperial rulers capitalized on the religious culture of Inner Asian communities, which in turn gave rise to a transnational religious network that was centered on Tibetan Buddhist epistemology. The religious knowledge system remained strong well past the formative eighteenth century. Its enduring impact on Qing political and social history was felt even as the empire worked towards creating a distinctive cosmopolitan Qing culture. The dissertation consists of four chapters, each of which locates a space within the context of the symbiotic growth of the Qing and the Tibetan Buddhist knowledge network. This dissertation revolves around Tibetan Buddhist scholars, institutions, rituals, and objects, as they traveled from Tibet to Qing China’s capital and eastern Mongolia, and finally entered the literary realm of intellectuals in eighteenth-century China. Chapter One brings into focus Tibetan Buddhist reincarnation—a dynamic practice that redefined the institutional genealogy of individual prestige—as the Qing imperial power increased its contact with Inner Asian communities from the 1720s in the strategic border region of Amdo between Tibet and Qing China. I discuss how local hereditary headmen refashioned themselves into religious leaders whose enduring influence could transcend even death so as to preserve their prestige. Yet, their impact reached beyond the imperial margin. Chapter Two traces the role of these religious leaders in transforming an imperial private space into the largest Tibetan Buddhist monastery in the Qing’s imperial capital. This monastery—Beijing’s Lama Temple (Yonghegong 雍和宮)—not only became a site that manifested Qing imperial devotion to Tibetan Buddhism, but also served as an institutional outpost for the increasingly transnational Tibetan Buddhist network to the east. The Lama Temple was not the only outpost of the growing religious network, and Chapter Three explores another major nodal point within this network at a contact zone in southern Mongolia. It was here that two massive Tibetan Buddhist monasteries were constructed, owing to the mutual efforts undertaken by the imperial household and Tibetan Buddhists from Inner Asia. The final chapter returns to the imperial center but shifts its focus to a discursive space formed by Tibetan Buddhist laity who also occupied official posts in the imperial court. Two Manchu princes and one Mongolian Buddhist composed or were commissioned to compile texts in multiple languages on Tibetan Buddhist epistemology. Their writings reveal the fluidity and extent of the religious network, as well as its symbiotic growth with the imperial enterprise as the Qing empire took shape territorially and culturally. This dissertation concludes by addressing the nature of the Qing’s governance and that of the transnational power of the Tibetan Buddhist network, and it aims to deconstruct the dominant discourse associated with imperial policies in the Inner Asian frontier. My findings offer insight into how Tibetan Buddhism had a lasting impact on the Qing’s imperial imagination, during and after the formative eighteenth century.

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Historical consensus has labeled the educational reform efforts of China's scholar-officials in the second half of the nineteenth century as merely reactions to external circumstances and therefore has concluded that these reforms were "failures". The youthful revolt against Chinese cultural traditions, which culminated in the May Fourth Movement of 1919, has frequently been cited as a clear demonstration that previous educational reforms had failed. However, when viewed as the intellectual phase of the revolutionary process, reform activities among members of China's bureaucratic and scholarly elite in the four and one half decades from the 1860s to the early 1900s can be seen as limited, but definite, successes, initiated from within the traditional society and assisted by the introduction of Western secular knowledge by Protestant missionaries.

This thesis examines the medical case records of the Imperial Qing Palace. The case records were examined with a view to see how Chinese medicine was practised in the Qing period in China. I also analysed the role of medical cases as another way of adding to an understanding of history. My primary sources were the archive medical case records of the Qing Imperial Palace as compiled by Chen Keji. I also used selected secondary sources, particularly research by Chang Che-Chia on the Qing cases. I concentrated my research on selected emperors and the Empress Dowager. I analysed the case records of Kangxi, Qianlong, Tongzhi, Guangxu and Cixi. Each of these figures were analysed using medical analysis and historical analysis. Using clinical knowledge, I analysed each of these political figures considering the historical and social context of the time. While analysing selected cases I also analysed the medical approach and style of one doctor of the nineteenth century, Ma Peizhi. This physician was selected as representative of elite doctors in China in the late Qing period. Using the methodology of textual analysis I supplemented analysis of the primary sources with examination of secondary sources such as biographies and other journals. In medical terms, I found that the practice of Chinese medicine changes according to social and historical circumstances. In line with the social norms of the elite at the time in Qing China, medicine was practised with the approach of gentleness and balance. This distinctive style, practised by Ma Peizhi, saw the root of physical disease in mental unease. In historical terms, I found that the medical records provided primary evidence for trends in Qing history. The Kangxi emperor looked askance at Chinese medicine, while avidly practising his Manchu shamanic rituals. His grandson, Qianlong, in contrast, presented himself as a patron of Chinese classical learning, of which he saw Chinese medicine as an important component. This was evidence that the sinification of the Manchu conquerors was almost complete. A key finding of the thesis was that the realities of the Qing emperors and the Empress Dowager Cixi differed from the personas they had projected to the public. The Qing emperors and the Empress Dowager were, on the whole, frail in health, psychologically vulnerable and suffering from chronic anxiety, if not depression. The Qing images of power did not fit the reality.

Ming Dynasty women¡¦s literature vigorous growth , emerges many famous family talented women , their poetic composition mostly reflects inner chamber female¡¦s life spirit in the feudal society , the work style many to chant the bosom to mourn perhaps to describe the scenery chants the thing , lacks the profound social surface . Until the end of the Ming and beginning of the Qing dynasty , in national hurriedly turmoil time , after the inner chamber poet degenerates into loses the people , woman¡¦s transfers the reflection chaos caused by war¡¦s reality and nationality¡¦s contradiction in literary production style , in the work presents the strong wandering feeling , sorrow of the exileing home and goes to pain of the country . In the Chinese history . During the end of the Ming and beginning of the Qing dynasty , the female poets have not been neglected in the historical mighty current , they and the masculine writer are the same , they experience are destitute and homeless because of war , and comes the testimony time by feminine sound and the angle of view . They expresses feeling , sadness family country the life experience by writing . This study is the discussion female poets of Ming adherents during the end of the Ming and beginning of the Qing dynasty . They narrate personal experience of politics turmoil by own sound and the angle of view . They are not only event¡¦s relators, is also the party concerned . Facing being destitute and homeless because of war, they reveal individual will, the sentiment and the choice in the poetic composition . Female poets¡¦ narration is always neglected outside the literature of Ming adherents writing . Is ¡§ the small narration ¡¨ not under a historical ¡§ big narration ¡¨ link ? Whether it can be regarded as supplement of history , waits for continuing to explore deeply. This study collects poets from the Ming and Qing Dynasties poetry anthology and selects achiever of female poets to discuss about their biography , their poetic composition and their spirit of Ming adherents . The research of literature of Ming adherents writing always focuses in the male poets , female poets actually little to obtain scholar's favor . Therefore this study attempts to seeks female poets¡¦ position and value in the literature of Ming adherents writing .

The instabilities in the late Qing Dynasty stimulated the reformation movement proposed by the intellectuals and caused a chain reaction in Chinese literature, in which the vision, theme, narrative mode, and aesthetics gradually deviated from the earlier traditions. In general, regardless of complicated contents and diversity of literary genres, the ideas also increased in diversity, and the language of writing moved from Classical Chinese to vernacular Chinese. From the aspect of literary development, this is the evolution from the old to the new. Even though it was only transitional, its function and value as a connection cannot be ignored. This essay compiles the evolutionary pattern of the prose since Gong Zizhen. Chapter One is the Introduction. Chapter Two, covering the social changes and development from the late Ming Dynasty to the early Qing Dynasty, discusses the elements of modernization during the late Ming Dynasty, the development and restrictions in the early writings of the Qing Dynasty, to determine the inner clues related to the literary evolution of the late Qing Dynasty. Chapter Three, focusing on the Opium War in 1840 and the writings of Gong Zizhen, Wei Yuan, and the students of Tongcheng Yao School, discusses the tendency behind the evolution of prose in the late Qing Dynasty before and after the Opium Wars (between 1820 and 1850). Chapter Four, covering the period from the Taiping Rebellion to the Sino-Japanese War (1850-1894), discusses how Hong Rengan, Wang Tao, and Zeng Guofan, as the forerunners of the cultural exchange between the East and the West, gradually brought Western knowledge into Chinese prose, thus leading to the development of modern prose. Chapter Five, covering the post Sino-Japanese War period to the end of the Qing Dynasty (1894-1911), with Lin Shu, Yen Fu, and Liang Qichao as examples, discusses the new literary evolution of traditional prose since the early Nineteenth Century, regarding demands for political reformation and social changes. The new course on contents and style had begun, either consciously or unconsciously, thus establishing a new model for literary creation. After the Opium Wars, many literary reformers and other people contributed greatly to the evolution of prose. Yet, this essay can only list a few because of the length, and thus to show the clues to understanding the changes. Generally, the modernization of Chinese prose began the social turbulences and demands for political and cultural reformation. This evolution remained unconscious since Gongwei, up to Lin Shu and Yen Fu. It was not until the Literary Revolution proposed by Liang Qichao, that it became a conscious movement. The new literary style became popular with the press and generated the May 4th Movement.