「古文」作爲傳統中國士人日常表達和學術著作的主要文體，在思想世界與知識世界中具有重要的地位。然而，除了在文學史研究中討論「知識」對「文章」的重要性，我們似乎很少反過來設問，「文章」對「知識」有何作用？作爲「學問」載體的古文，是否真正介入了這些學術性知識的傳承與變革？基於這一思路，本文希望將對「古文」的研究，置於一更大的社會文化脈絡之中，探討「文章」如何塑造了讀書人的知識視野和學問秩序。 / 文章與知識之間的張力，在古代文學史及思想史上一直存在；然在清代，由於儒家知識主義之興起，此一張力獲得了更爲自覺和充分的展開。本文認爲，從晚明到清初，中國士人的知識視野經歷了一次擴張，而明中期以降博覽求古的「文章」趣味，正是其重要的動力。入清之後，「文」「學」之緊張日益顯現。康熙十七年詔徵博學鴻儒，還是以「詞章」評判「博學」；至乾隆間開經學特科，所重便是「根柢經史」的專門學問；由「博」而「精」，「文」「學」相離。不過，在以「文章」訓練為主的書院教育中，對「古學」的提倡往往還需要借助「古文」之力；同時清人以「著書明道」為理想，考經證史的成績、自身的學術趣味與知識修養，都需要選擇恰當的「著述」體裁以表達之。在編次文集乃至註釋經書之時，不少學者都對其「著作」的方式作出精心的安排，以求體現其學問之系統。「文」與「學」的互動，實又通過另一種形式表現出來。此外，「著書明道」，還可以看作一個以「私言」發明「公道」的實踐，故而「著作」不僅是對公共「知識」的傳遞，更是對個人「性情」的表達。在清中期，「文」與「學」的張力進一步推演出性情與知識關係的重整。「文」「學」離合之間，清代讀書人知識世界的遷變，正有跡可循。 / The concept of ‘wenxue’(文學) in Chinese intellectual tradition philologically consists of two basic elements: belle-lettres (文wen) and learning (學xue). Thus when talking about ‘wenxue’ we are referring to not only a heritage of literature, but also a genealogy of knowledge. This dissertation aims to shed light upon the socio-cultural and epistemic aspects of classical prose(古文 guwen), which is a main genre of classical literature as well as the prevailing form of both practical and scholarly writing in late imperial China. Questions raised in my research include: How were different categories of knowledge ordered and systematized? In what way did the literary taste of intellectuals delimit and displace their epistemological boundaries? And how was the world of knowledge embodied through the compiling of literary anthologies and the writing of scholarly works? / China’s long eighteenth century (1644-1799) witnessed an adequate and self-conscious unfoldment of the perennial tension of literature and knowledge in the shadow of the Confucian intellectualism. The Ming literati’s interests for archaic literature and ancient texts, which lead to a trend of vast learning, herald the expansion of knowledge in late Ming and early Qing. In the 1679 ‘Boxue Hongru’ Examination, literary excellence was still regarded as a crucial criterion for the selection of ‘erudite scholars’. The rise of evidential study, however, intensified the tension between literary talent and scholarly learning. Men of letters were criticized for having no knowledge of the real way of learning, although they had copious knowledge of classical literature. The curiosity for erudition and was regulated, if not replaced by the pursuit of philological study on the Confucian classics. In spite of such idealistic divergence of ‘literati’ and ‘scholar’, literary writing played a significant role in the propagation and expression of scholarship. On one hand, study on Confucian classics and ancient history was advocated in local academies(shuyuan 書院) through the training of prose writing. On the other hand, scholars had to be very concerned about choosing the appropriate genre or the most refined textual form to lucubrate their academic work. Furthermore, debates on the proper form of academic writing made special contribution to the revival of subjectivism in the realm of academic studies. From my perspective, the interaction of ‘wen’ and ‘xue’ played a decisive role in shaping the trajectory of both literary and academic history of late imperial China. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 胡琦. / Parallel title from added title page. / Thesis (Ph.D.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2015. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 540-551). / Abstracts also in Chinese. / Hu Qi.

published_or_final_version / Chinese / Doctoral / Doctor of Philosophy

過往清史研究關於清代官制多探討其制度成因、演變，鮮少觸及到俸祿、功名與官制彼此間的關聯性或影響程度，而從勞動經濟學的角度來看，官員的功名、官秩應反應出其人力資本投資與職場經驗的累積程度。有鑑於此，本研究利用清代各期間編纂地方方志中的樣本資料來探討及評估清代臺灣地方官吏人力資本投資、職場經驗及其他特徵變數對於薪資(俸祿)報酬的影響為何。 本論文第一個主題探討人力資本對康熙、雍正、乾隆時期薪俸的影響，實證結果顯示，進行人力資本投資(考取功名)可提升俸祿4.5%；官秩升遷可提升俸祿29.9%。若以職官屬性分類，本研究發現文官在人力資本投資與工作經驗的報酬率均優於武官，我們認為主要原因可能因文、武職官升遷模式有所差異。文官晉陞過程與其工作經驗有關，而武官晉陞過程可能與是否有戰功的關係較高，因此受到人力資本與工作經驗的影響較小。 本研究第二部份以傳統迴歸及Heckman兩階段估計法估計Mincerian所得函數，探討清治時期212年間臺灣鳳山縣職官文職與武職構成與其功名、官秩對工資(俸祿)影響。研究結果顯示：(1)以傳統迴歸分析實證結果估計會存有樣本選擇偏誤的問題；(2)俸祿考慮養廉下官員任期是否秩滿、是否因丁憂退出勞動市場、是否具八旗背景對文官薪資有顯著影響；官秩大小對武官薪俸則有正向影響。(3)俸祿不考慮養廉下，官秩對文、武職官薪俸帶有提升效果。 最後，本文探討養廉銀政策的施行對文職職官薪俸的影響。以DID估計發現：政策的實施使職官薪俸提升了0.5倍至數十倍不等；且職官個人功名與官秩顯著影響可獲取的薪俸額度。 / Previous researches in the history of Qing dynasty mainly study the cause of bureaucracy or the evolution in the bureaucratic system, however, there are fewer studies which explain the relationship of wage, official rank and the fame of scholarly honor. In the side of labor economic, the scholarly honor, official rank reply the accumulation of human capital and the experience in the job market. According it, this dissertation tries to evaluate the return of human capital investment, job experience and other characteristic variables on the wage on samples during the periods of Qing dynasty. The first topic tries to analyze the impacts of human capital on wage during the period Kangxi, Yongzeng and Qianlong era. The empirical results indicate that the human capital investment (scholarly honor) rises 4.5% in the wage rate; the return rate of official rank arise 29.9% wage rate. We also find that the civilian officials have better return rate in both factors than military ones. The main reason may due to the promotion process between civilian and military officials are not the same. The promotion in the civilian official base on the experience, the promotion process in military officials may relate to the performance in the war. Therefore the human capital and experience have smaller influence in the military officials’ wage. Using the traditional regression and Heckman two step methodology, the second part of this study estimates the Mincerian earnings function which try to explain the structure of the civilian officer and military bureaucracy sectors, and the return of official rank, the fame of scholarly honor on wage in Fenshan during the occupation period in Qing era. The empirical results indicate: (1) there has a sample selection bias if we estimate with traditional regression. (2) the term of official finished, in mourning for parent's death or the background in Eight banners system has significant effect when we consider the silver honesty system in wage. (3) official rank increases the wage rate of return in civilian and military official if the component of wage does not consider the silver honesty system. Finally, the dissertation investigates the influence of silver honesty system (SHS) in the wage of civilian officer. The empirical estimation finds that the implantation of policy increases the wage between 0.5 to dozens of times through difference and differences methodology (DID). The estimation also indicates that the FAME and RANK affect the available amount of salaries significantly.

Fang Hui ¡§Ying Kui Lu Sui¡¨ is one of widely discussed literary productions among Tang and Song poems of eight lines collections, which could be viewed in ¡§Ying Kui Lu Sui Literary Criticism¡¨ edited by Li, Qing-Jia; among the most important criticisms are Ping Ban, Ping Hao, Zha Shen-Xing, Ji Yun, and Xu Ying Fang. Xu Ying Fang is one of the most important poets and poetry critics in Yun Na. ¡§Lu Sui Ji Yao¡¨ is edited in the purpose of teaching students during Xu¡¦s late years of being the chairman in Jing Zheng college. This literary production has twelve chapters; the first six chapters are about the poems, which are worthy to be followed, and the later six ones are vice versa. However, Xu passes away before finishing this work. The reason why Xu Ying Fang edits this production bases on the criticism of ¡§Ying Kui Lu Sui¡¨ (written by Fang Hui), and ¡§Ying Kui Lu Sui Kan Wu¡¨ (written by Ji Yun), yet the literary figure of ¡§Lu Sui Ji Yao¡¨ is different from that of Fang Hui. Comparing to the late Qing dynasty, which is prevalent to the movement of Song poetry with Tong-Guang style, Xu Ying Fang¡¦s reflections toward Tang and Song poetry reversely present the most important feature of poetics in Qing Dynasty- neutrality. Xu partially accepts Fang Hui¡¦s proposition of ¡§one ancestor and three predecessors¡¨; and he further advances the idea of lists Li Shang-Yin, and Wang An Shi into the followers of Du Fu. Moreover, he even raises poetics status of Chen Yu Yi above Chen Shih Dao. Therefore, in ¡§Lu Sui Ji Yao¡¨, Du Fu is the most listed poet among Tang Dynasty poets, and Chen Yu Yi is the poet among Song Dynasty poets; the above arrangement is the most vivid poetic feature, which Xu Ying Fong breaks through Fang Hui¡¦s previous propositions. The advantages and weaknesses about poetry appeared among Xu Ying Fong¡¦s literary production are not judaged by times nor poets themselves. His literary criticism is deeply affected by neutral concept and textual research in Qing Dynasty poetics. As a result, ¡§Lu Sui Ji Yao¡¨has been accounted as an important status among the relative works of ¡§Ying Kui Lu Sui¡¨.

This thesis examines architectural discourse and spatial practices as manifestations and experiences of order in eighteenth-century Qing dynasty China. It reviews the development of the historiography of Chinese architectural history as an academic discipline, and proposes that in the Qing there was an unprecedented rupture between domestic architectural style from that of the court. An alternative design strategy in spatial planning and detailing was adopted. It is argued that the Qing architectural discourse, its intertextuality, was implicitly linked to the historical formation of the Qing self, and that it was pivotal to the rise of domestic culture. The study approaches architecture as historical statements and arguments, and focuses on the production of space, human agency, gender, and subject positioning in early modern China. The study analyzes the Yugong mansion, Beijing, the Rong mansion in the Qing novel The Dream of the Red Chamber, and the Manchu imperial city, as examples.

由14位作者寫於17世紀、收於耶穌會羅馬館的28篇祭禮文獻，是迄今所見最早一批出自中國士人信徒之手，在禮儀之爭期間就傳教士對祭祖禮的顧慮作出回應的文章。按內容來看，傳教士的顧慮可歸納為兩類，一是採取詢問的方式，向這批士人信徒請教與祭祀相關的問題，二是對祭祖禮已持有否定態度，致令這批作者撰文予以反駁。從祭祖禮的觀點方面來說，28篇文獻作者主要是從祭祖本義、祭祖禮是否真的含有與天主教信仰相牴觸的成份等兩方面，進行論述。對於前者，他們認為祭祖源於人情、德育及治國三方面的需要；對於後者，他們指祭祖禮既無求福的成份，亦不認為祖先仍會來格來饗於祭祀現場，因此祭祖之槍祭"與祭上帝之槍祭"在本質上迥異。雖然在該如何理人死後的靈魂狀態、嘏辭是否在當時社會中已無人應用等細節上，個別作者有不同的意見，然而他們基本上是一致認為祭祖禮應允許中國信徒繼續奉行。從立論方式來說，28篇文獻作者中縱使有個別作者對某些儒家經典的可信性存疑，但他們大多仍是主要採用經學進路，強調先王、孔子、儒學的地位及中國文字用法有其特別之處，援引儒家經典、尤其是《禮記》對祭祖禮的描述，以及宋儒的觀點、當中又尤以朱熹為主，作為探討時的論據. 以28篇與其所身處的明末清初時期經學主流相較而言，他們的確反映了當時整體經學風氣所尚--以朱熹為宗、漸開漢宋兼爭之勢。不過，對於祭祖禮本義的理解，比對作為當時經學相關方面的代表人物--朱熹及其學派的陳澔、納蘭性德等人的觀點，在情、德、治三方面之外，朱熹等人並不否認祭祖求福、相信祖先能來格來饗，朱子甚至認為祭祖的本義之一，就是在於以祭祀之誠讓祖先的魂魄能夠得以安頓。以28篇與其所身處17世紀來華傳教士、教廷相較而言，耶穌會傳教士的觀點最與28篇相近，他們注意到祭祖禮在情、德方面對中國人的意義，認為仍有允許中國信徒奉行祭祀的價值。然而，多明我會、方濟各會傳教士則持定相反意見，他們的關注點不在於祭祖禮對中國人的意義、價值，而是禮儀中所存在的求福於祖先、相信祖先仍能來格來饗等成份，與天主教信仰相悖。至於教廷，則會按傳教士上呈的資料，而對祭祖禮是否仍能奉行於信徒之間，在答覆時作出相應的調整。立論方式上，除耶穌會與多明我會的萬濟國，會引用中國儒家經典作為討論依據外，托缽修會的傳教士主要是按眼見當時社會上祭祖禮情況作出判斷。雖然在論述過程中，28篇文獻一方面與明末清初經學主流對於祭祖禮本義的理解存在歧異，另一方面亦出現對經典的錯解、邏輯上的謬誤等若干不足；但是，不管是讓後世得以更全面地認識禮儀之爭這段歷史，抑或是為當代有關槍祭祖"問題的研究帶來參考與啟發，這批文獻皆具有重要的價值。Abstract The 28 documents, collected by the Society of Jesus Roman Archive, were written in 17th century by 14 authors. They were possibly the earliest Chinese scholar-believers that discussed with the western missionaries about the concept of ancestral offering ritual during the Chinese Rites Controversy. Since the ancestral offering ritual had been held negative attitude, the scholars had to write these documents for refuting. For the ancestral offering ritual, the authors mainly discussed the original meaning of ancestral offering ritual, and consider whether it is in contravention of the Catholic faith. They believed that ancestral offering ritual contained three elements: humanity(人情), morality(德育) and social order(治國). They neither looked for blessings from ancestors nor thought that the spirits of ancestors would be present to the ritual, thus, the ancestral offering and the offering sacrifice to God were different in nature. Though individual authors had different views on the state of the spirits of ancestors, they agreed that ancestral offering ritual should be allowed to continue to practice among Chinese believers. Most of the authors mainly used the Confucian Classics Approach(經學進路) to make their arguments. They took Confucian, especially the "Book of Ritual", and Zhu Xi of Song Dynasty as the main sources to present their.;arguments of ancestral offering ritual. However, apart from the three elements, Zhu did not deny that ancestral offering ritual was to seek blessings, and believed that the spirits of ancestors would be present to the ritual. Zhu even believed that ancestral offering ritual was for settling the spirits of ancestors. The view of the Society of Jesus was closed to that of the authors. They noted that the significances of ancestral offering ritual to Chinese people were more about humanity and morality, and thought that it was worthy for Chinese believers to practice the ancestral offering ritual. However, the Dominican and the Franciscan missionaries held of opposite view. Their concerns were not the significances and values of ancestral offering ritual, but the behaviour of seeking blessings from ancestors and the belief of the presence of the spirits of ancestors. In the Chinese Rites Controversy, the Society of Jesus and the Francisco Varo of Dominicans referred Confucian as the basis for their discussions. The Mendicant missionaries mainly depended on the situation at that time in the society to make judgments. The Vatican was only according to the information from missionaries to make corresponding judgments that whether the ancestral offering ritual was being allowed to practice among Chinese believers. Although there are discrepancies and some logical fallacies between the 28 documents and the Confucian Classics of Ming and Qing Dynasties about the understanding of the original meaning of ancestral offering ritual, these documents can bring great inspiration on the contemporary research of ancestral offering ritual and make a more comprehensive reorganization of the history of Chinese Rites Controversy.

The present paper deals with the event known as the Bathang incident, in the Sichuan- Tibetan border area in 1905, during which there was an uprising against the Chinese imperial administration, leading to the murder of Feng Quan, the Assistant High Commissioner to Tibet, and his retinue. In addition to the secondary literature, the paper utilizes mainly Chinese primary sources, along with travelogues and diaries written by Western missionaries and travellers. The initial portion of the first chapter describes the geographical characteristics of the broader area of Kham. Next follows a summary of the historical and political development of the territory, with an emphasis on the development of relations between Kham, Tibet, the Mongols and China, including the internal development and formation of its specific environment and culture. The second chapter turns to Bathang itself. The first subchapter is dedicated to the exceptional natural conditions in Bathang. The second section provides an overview of the historical development of the Bathang area and its gradual integration, first into the Mongol empire and then into the realm of the Qing dynasty. The introduction of the native chieftains system is also described. The third chapter contains an analysis of Bathang's inner power relations, with...

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Previous historiography on late Qing naval technology has been geared toward locating the root causes of the Qing’s defeat in the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-1895. Pushing back against this teleological view of late Qing naval development, this dissertation underscores the global, multidirectional, and highly contingent processes undergirding the Qing’s naval rebuilding project in the late nineteenth century. Starting from the 1860s, the Qing empire strove to reassert itself as a competitive naval power by establishing new dockyards and arsenals; procuring arms, warships, and machineries from abroad; as well as dispatching educational missions to European naval schools, technical institutes, factories, and shipyards. The Chinese diplomats and students that the Qing sent overseas served as transnational agents who cultivated close-knit networks with Western diplomats, merchants, shipbuilders, military officers, and arms manufacturers. These networks formed the basis upon which the Qing navigated a global marketplace of warships and armaments spanning Asia, Europe, and the Americas. Tracing the personal, material, and institutional networks connecting late Qing China to the world’s naval technology reveals how the Qing engaged actively in a global regime of arms production and arms trading. This regime, driven by the transnational sourcing of raw materials and the export-oriented tendencies of Western arms manufacturers, gave rise to a shared, decentralized, and surprisingly open terrain of material circulation and technological transmission. It produced highly fluid circuits of military industrial products and knowledge that blurred the boundaries between the arms race and the arms trade, secrecy and openness, competition and collaboration. This dissertation shows how the Qing tapped into these tensions through intertwining networks of trade and diplomacy. It also shows how the material and logistical processes underlying the importation of warships, machineries, and shipbuilding components constituted crucial channels for the transfer of naval engineering knowledge from the West to China.

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