Bibliography: pages 88-92. / This study concerns the assessment of the racial awareness and attitudes (intra- and interpersonal) of a small group of Sub A children in a recently racially desegregated school in Cape Town in 1991. This issue was seen to be of importance in South Africa because of changes within the educational sector whereby many schools were in the process of becoming racially desegregated. A case study design and methodology was used in both the pilot and main studies. Three drawings together with collateral information were obtained from each of the twenty-five children. The measurement instruments used were the Human Figure Drawing (HFD), the Kinetic School Drawing (KSD) and an instrument which was devised by the researcher during the pilot study, namely the Peer Group Drawing. Data analysis involved each drawing being analysed separately according to the analysis systems of Klepsch and Logie (1982), and Koppitz (1968), and further informed by Burns (1982) and Furth (1988). Within subject comparisons were undertaken which resulted in the data being clustered into four groups. The grouped data was then analysed and interpreted in terms of the aim of the study. Findings generally concurred with the literature: the children were found to be racially aware and held definite racial attitudes, and these were related to socio-cognitive and affective development. More than half of the subjects were found to be experiencing difficulties which in some cases could be clearly linked to adjusting to classroom desegregation. A central recommendation was for active mediation by educators and psychologists in the process of transition from desegregation to integration.

A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Humanities at the University of the Witwatersrand in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts by Research in Sociology, 2016 / "A reflective contemplation on the ordinary humanity of black South Africans under apartheid". [Quotation taken from p.4. No abstract provided] / GR2017

Thesis (M.A. (Drama))--University of the Witwatersrand, Faculty of Humanities, Wits School of Arts, 2016 / This report is the final piece of a performance as research project exploring what it means to be white and English-speaking at the southern tip of Africa. The report is coupled with an autobiographical one man play about myself. The play explores, through a series of monologues, what it means for me to be a white South African. It moves from the specifics of my life to more general assumptions about whiteness and back again. This report runs parallel to the play almost as an extension of it working in dialogue to explore complicity and identity. As an extension of the creative project I have chosen to negate traditional chapters and style for more poetic language intertwined with analytical thinking, which links into the style of the play. The idea behind this is that every world, be it, performance onstage or analytical report writing is merely a part of the continuum called life and by blurring the lines between these it is easier to fuse the learning and the living into a cohesive whole. The creative research shows how the rehearsal and performance process of theatre-making helps to strip away the deceptions that people tell themselves making them complicit in the injustice of post-apartheid white privilege but in doing this it also creates a space where people can feel safe to dialogue about this complicity. / GR2017

Thesis (Ed. D.)--Washington State University, December 2007. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 125-134).

The view of black Africans that emerges from Renaissance drama is shaped entirely by stereotypes, and is overwhelmingly negative. There is a general reluctance in the scholarly community to challenge the stereotype as a major organising principle in shaping negative images of African dramatic characters. My argument is that the stereotype is a powerful tool in the hands of self-interested parties, and must be recognised as capable of maiming and distorting the experiences of those it sets out to construct, as the one-sided, eurocentric representations of African characters in Renaissance drama reveal. Chapter One reviews the history of European attitudes to black skin colour, focusing briefly on England's public displays of other nations, cultures, and people, on the visual art tradition, and mainly on English Renaissance travel literature which, I believe, was the largest single influence on dramatists' imaginations. The chapter establishes that English anti-black polemics and the stereotyping of black Africans was heightened during the Renaissance, mainly because constructions of otherness were a large part of England's national self-fashioning. Chapter Two explores traditional meanings of blackness as well as the aesthetic and moral aspects of otherness, and attempts to show how the stereotypical assumptions and value judgments encoded in the rhetoric of blackness are allegorically manipulated to suit the needs of Christian England while Africa suffers erasure. Chapters Three and Four foreground the idea that the physical presence of black African characters on the stage becomes a sign of an entire set of actual and imagined differences by which England constructs her view of Africans as prime, visible signifiers of cultural difference. Chapter Four goes a step further and looks at those dramatic texts in which seemingly fixed categories are revealed as unstable, especially when overlaps in race, gender, and social rank come into play. The representation of black African characters on the English Renaissance stage thus reveals a definite correlation between the dominant culture's fears and anxieties over the perceived threat posed by the black African other, its insistence on a self-representation as a distinctly superior culture, and its subsequent and systematic production of Africa and Africans as indelibly other. For the dominant culture to be able to define, produce, and maintain itself as superior, it must, of necessity, strive to keep the other in a position of chronic inferiority, hence the persistent appeal to stereotypes.

No abstract available. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, Durban, 1961.

This study was conducted in two parts. In the first part, two assumptions presented in Janet Helms' White Racial Identity (WRI) development model (1990) were tested. First, Helms theorized that one's stage of WRI development is positively related to increased cognitive complexity achievement and suggests that later stages require greater complexity. A second assumption of Helms' theory was that continued interracial contact is essential for advancement in WRI stage development. Part one of this study examined the relationship of cognitive complexity and interracial contact (both formal and informal) to WRI, and the relationship between cognitive complexity and interracial contact as they relate to WRI.Part two of this study consisted of a factor analysis of Helms' WRI measure followed by a second set of analyses examining the relationship between the new obtained factors with contact and cognitive complexity. This analysis allowed a comparison to be made between Helms' 5 WRI stages and the obtained factor solution from the factor analysis. It also allowed a comparison of the relationship between the stages and cognitive complexity and contact and the obtained factor solution and these same variables.Three hundred and sixty eight White undergraduates completed Helms' White Racial Identity Attitude Scale, a 4 x 6 Repertory Grid, measuring cognitive complexity in social settings, and an interracial contact measure, including a measure of both formal and informal types of contact. Results of part one of the analyses indicated that neither cognitive complexity nor cognitive complexity x contact were significantly related to WRI scores. However, contact was significantly related to WRI scores. WRI stage two was positively related and WRI stage four was negatively related to scores on formal contact. Stage 4 was negatively related and stages 2 and 3 were positively related to scores on informal contact.The results of part two indicated again that neither cognitive complexity nor cognitive complexity x contact were significantly related to the obtained WRI factors. However, contact once again was significant. The factor analysis produced a 5 factor solution that while similar in theme and number to the 5 stages, nonetheless indicated a different relationship with contact scores than the stages did. Factor 3 (representing stage 4) was positively related and factor 4 (representing stages 2 and 3) was negatively related to formal contact scores. However, factor 3 (representing stage 4) was positively related and factor 4 (representing stages 2 and 3) were negatively related to scores on informal contact. There were discrepancies across the two parts of the study as to the stages and direction of the relationships between interracial contact (formal and informal) and WRI scores. Some of these results were in opposite directions than either the theory or study expected.These discrepancies are dealt with in chapter 5. / Department of Counseling Psychology and Guidance Services

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of North Texas, May, 2007. / Title from title page display. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph. D. in Interdisciplinary Studies: Language, Literacy, and Sociology)--Vanderbilt University, May 2008. / Title from title screen. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (M.A.) - Carleton University, 2008. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 129-136). Also available in electronic format on the Internet.