Thesis (Ph.D.)--Boston University / Between 1859 and 1909, the African-American press in Boston, Cleveland, New York, and Philadelphia nurtured a radical black political consciousness that challenged white supremacy on a national and local level. Specifically, black newspapers provided the ideological foundation for the New Negro movement of the 1910s and 1920s by cultivating this consciousness in readers. This dissertation examines black newspapers as political texts through what I have called figurative black nationalism in the ante-bellum Anglo-African, Douglass' Monthly, and Christian Recorder; through the political independence advocated in the post-Reconstruction New York Age, Cleveland Gazette, and Boston Advocate; and through the tum of the century Woman's Era, Colored American, and Boston Guardian. This study challenges fundamental assumptions about race, politics, and African-American activism between the Civil War and the Progressive Era. First, analyzing how ante-bellum African-Americans used the press to define radical abolition on their own terms shows that they adopted what I call figurative black nationalism through the Anglo-African's serialization of Martin R. Delany's 1859 novel Blake, or The Huts ofAmerica. Second, even as this press moved to the post-bellum south, northern African-Americans became increasingly alienated from the conservative rhetoric of racial spokesmen, particularly as the fall of Reconstruction led to repeal of the 1875 Civil Rights Act and failure of the 1890 Federal Elections Bill. Frances E.W. Harper's serialized novel Minnie's Sacrifice perpetuated the idea that free and freed people shared a post-bellum political outlook in the Christian Recorder, but such unity was elusive in reality. Consequently, northern African-Americans adopted a form of "mugwumpism" that questioned notions of blind African-American loyalty to the Republican Party. Finally, black northerners at the turn of the century reclaimed the radical abolition and political independence of the past in a successful assault on Tuskegee-style accommodation through a radical version of racial uplift. This radical racial uplift was shaped through northern black women's appropriation of Anna Julia Cooper's feminism, through Pauline Hopkins' serial novel Hagar's Daughter, and through William Monroe Trotter's participation in the Niagara Movement. Northern black politics, rather than white Progressivism or southern black conservatism, nurtured twentieth century civil rights activism.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Este trabalho discute conjuntos de relações político-institucionais entre movimentos negros e Estado no Brasil e Colômbia de uma perspectiva comparativa entre os anos de 1991 e 2006. Procuro mostrar que ambos os países tem histórias de formação racial que se assemelham e se diferenciam substancialmente. Tais semelhanças e diferenças, como por exemplo, a construção do mito da democracia racial e a ideologia da mestiçagem, irão influenciar os modos pelos quais os movimentos negros brasileiros e colombianos tem negociado políticas de superação das desigualdades raciais com o Estado. Argumento que Brasil e Colômbia adotaram políticas raciais racistas entre fins do século XIX e as primeiras décadas do século XX, proibindo a entrada de imigrantes negros, asiáticos e árabes e incentivando a entrada de imigrantes europeus. A principal justificativa era de que estes últimos impulsionariam o desenvolvimento econômico, quando na realidade o propósito era o de embranquecer a população existente naquele momento, composta majoritariamente de negros e mestiços. Após os anos de 1990, a ideia de políticas raciais ganha novos contornos, passando a significar políticas públicas de promoção da igualdade racial e de reconhecimento identitário dos afrodescendentes. Neste sentido, as políticas de ação afirmativa passam a ser demandadas pelos movimentos negros de ambos os países como políticas raciais / This paper discusses sets of political and institutional relations between the state and black movements in Brazil and Colombia in a comparative perspective between the years 1991 and 2006. I show that both countries have histories of racial formation that resemble and differ substantially. Such similarities and differences, such as the construction of the "myth of racial democracy" and the ideology of mestizaje, will influence the ways in which black movements in Brazil and Colombia have negotiated policies for overcoming racial inequalities in the state. Argument that Brazil and Colombia have adopted "racial racist policies" between the late nineteenth century and the first decades of the twentieth century, banning the entry of immigrant blacks, Asians and Arabs, and encouraging the entry of European immigrants. The main reason was that the latter would boost economic development, when in reality the purpose was to whiten the population existing at the time, mostly composed of "blacks and mestizos." After the 1990s, the idea of "racial politics" acquires new, going to mean public policies to promote racial equality and recognition of identity of African descent. In this sense, affirmative action policies are being sued by black movements in both countries as "racial policies"

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Este trabalho discute conjuntos de relações político-institucionais entre movimentos negros e Estado no Brasil e Colômbia de uma perspectiva comparativa entre os anos de 1991 e 2006. Procuro mostrar que ambos os países tem histórias de formação racial que se assemelham e se diferenciam substancialmente. Tais semelhanças e diferenças, como por exemplo, a construção do mito da democracia racial e a ideologia da mestiçagem, irão influenciar os modos pelos quais os movimentos negros brasileiros e colombianos tem negociado políticas de superação das desigualdades raciais com o Estado. Argumento que Brasil e Colômbia adotaram políticas raciais racistas entre fins do século XIX e as primeiras décadas do século XX, proibindo a entrada de imigrantes negros, asiáticos e árabes e incentivando a entrada de imigrantes europeus. A principal justificativa era de que estes últimos impulsionariam o desenvolvimento econômico, quando na realidade o propósito era o de embranquecer a população existente naquele momento, composta majoritariamente de negros e mestiços. Após os anos de 1990, a ideia de políticas raciais ganha novos contornos, passando a significar políticas públicas de promoção da igualdade racial e de reconhecimento identitário dos afrodescendentes. Neste sentido, as políticas de ação afirmativa passam a ser demandadas pelos movimentos negros de ambos os países como políticas raciais / This paper discusses sets of political and institutional relations between the state and black movements in Brazil and Colombia in a comparative perspective between the years 1991 and 2006. I show that both countries have histories of racial formation that resemble and differ substantially. Such similarities and differences, such as the construction of the "myth of racial democracy" and the ideology of mestizaje, will influence the ways in which black movements in Brazil and Colombia have negotiated policies for overcoming racial inequalities in the state. Argument that Brazil and Colombia have adopted "racial racist policies" between the late nineteenth century and the first decades of the twentieth century, banning the entry of immigrant blacks, Asians and Arabs, and encouraging the entry of European immigrants. The main reason was that the latter would boost economic development, when in reality the purpose was to whiten the population existing at the time, mostly composed of "blacks and mestizos." After the 1990s, the idea of "racial politics" acquires new, going to mean public policies to promote racial equality and recognition of identity of African descent. In this sense, affirmative action policies are being sued by black movements in both countries as "racial policies"

O objetivo desta dissertação é apresentar, discutir e analisar a relação que Cane, de Jean Toomer, Dutchman, de Amiri Baraka e Playing in the Dark, de Toni Morrison possuem com seus contextos no século XX em manifestações artisticas em três gêneros literários distintos. Após construir e delimitar o pano de fundo vivido pelos Afro-Americanos ao longo do século, pretendo analisar cada obra ao período em que foi escrita. Desta forma, a questão central de minha dissertação é como a Literatura produzida pelos Afro-Americanos (representada pelos três textos literários em pauta) dialoga com a realidade vivida por essas pessoas dentro da sociedade estadunidense ao longo do século XX, e como essa literatura funciona como um poderoso instrumento de expressão da ideologia, das questões raciais e dos sentimentos Afro-Americanos / This dissertation intends to present, discuss and analyse the relation that Cane by Jean Toomer, Dutchman by Amiri Baraka, and Playing in the Dark by Toni Morrison, have with their backgrounds during the twentieth century in artistic manifestations of three distinct literary genders. After designing a background of the African-American people along that century, I intend to relate each of the three works to time in which they were written. This way, the central question of this dissertation is how the Literature produced by the African-Americans (represented by those three works) dialogues with the reality lived by those people within the US society during the twentieth century and how such literature works as an extremely important instrument of expression of the African-American feelings, racial concerns and ideology

O objetivo desta dissertação é apresentar, discutir e analisar a relação que Cane, de Jean Toomer, Dutchman, de Amiri Baraka e Playing in the Dark, de Toni Morrison possuem com seus contextos no século XX em manifestações artisticas em três gêneros literários distintos. Após construir e delimitar o pano de fundo vivido pelos Afro-Americanos ao longo do século, pretendo analisar cada obra ao período em que foi escrita. Desta forma, a questão central de minha dissertação é como a Literatura produzida pelos Afro-Americanos (representada pelos três textos literários em pauta) dialoga com a realidade vivida por essas pessoas dentro da sociedade estadunidense ao longo do século XX, e como essa literatura funciona como um poderoso instrumento de expressão da ideologia, das questões raciais e dos sentimentos Afro-Americanos / This dissertation intends to present, discuss and analyse the relation that Cane by Jean Toomer, Dutchman by Amiri Baraka, and Playing in the Dark by Toni Morrison, have with their backgrounds during the twentieth century in artistic manifestations of three distinct literary genders. After designing a background of the African-American people along that century, I intend to relate each of the three works to time in which they were written. This way, the central question of this dissertation is how the Literature produced by the African-Americans (represented by those three works) dialogues with the reality lived by those people within the US society during the twentieth century and how such literature works as an extremely important instrument of expression of the African-American feelings, racial concerns and ideology

This dissertation is an institutional history of the Mississippi State Hospital. Specifically, it is a study of the use of the hospital as an institutional instrument to establish, maintain, reinforce state-sponsored racial segregation and white supremacy during the period of Jim Crow in Mississippi. Mississippi's institution for its mentally ill residents became an instrument to reinforce the state's racially, socially, and economically rigid society.

No description available.