Diss.--Philosophie--New York, N.Y.--Columbia univ., 1993. / Catalogue thématique p. 490-535. Bibliogr. p. 411-445.

Doctor of Philosophy / Security Studies / Sam R. Bell / This project examines the choices that rebel groups make between different types of sub-state political violence campaigns. I argue that rebels will choose a specific campaign type based on variations in the levels of state actions that cause grievances (referred to as coercion), and the capacity of both the state and the rebel group. This project develops a framework to explain the rebel decision-making process. The rebels seek to change the political behavior of the state by undertaking some form of violent campaign. Rebel campaigns are the ways in which rebels seek to obtain their ends; this project delineates between terrorist, insurgent, and civil war campaigns. However, rebels’ choice of campaign is affected by several factors: coercion, state administrative capacity, state military capacity, rebel administrative capacity, and rebel military capacity. I hypothesize that the different types of campaigns are affected differently by these factors. Additionally, I hypothesize that levels of coercion are more strongly related to the initial year of the campaign than subsequent years, regardless of campaign type. These hypotheses are analyzed via quantitative and qualitative methods. Quantitatively, this includes the development of novel latent variables for coercion and capacity prior to empirical testing of the hypotheses. Qualitatively, two case studies of rebel groups are examined; the Mau Mau in Kenya and the LTTE in Sri Lanka. The research finds limited support for the hypotheses regarding the relationships between coercion and capacity, and the rebels’ choice of campaign.

Doctor of Philosophy / Department of Psychological Sciences / Mark A. Barnett / The term “moral rebel” describes an individual who refuses to comply, stay silent, or conform to others when doing so would compromise his/her values (Monin, Sawyer, & Marquez, 2008). Preliminarily, this study examined the extent to which adolescents themselves, their peers, and their teachers agree in their ratings of adolescents’ general expressions of the tendency to be a moral rebel, tendencies to possess a moral identity (i.e., prioritize morality as an important part of identity), and tendencies to possess moral courage characteristics (i.e., qualities that motivate individuals to take action on their beliefs and values). As a theoretical and empirical extension of previous research (see Sonnentag & Barnett, 2013), the present study's primary purpose was to examine the interactive and independent roles of moral identity and moral courage characteristics in adolescents’ general and situation-specific (i.e., caring, just, and brave) expressions of the tendency to be a moral rebel. With regard to the interactive role of moral identity and moral courage characteristics, the present study examined (1) if relatively high levels of various general moral courage characteristics (i.e., Self-Esteem, [Low] Need to Belong, Self-Efficacy, Assertiveness, Social Vigilantism) encourage adolescents to act on their moral identities to display the general and situation-specific expressions of the tendency to be a moral rebel and (2) if relatively high levels of situation-specific moral courage characteristics (i.e., Empathic Concern, Justice Sensitivity, Willingness to Take Action in Physically Dangerous Situations) encourage adolescents to act on their moral identities to display the corresponding situation-specific (i.e., caring, just, and brave, respectively) expressions of the tendency to be a moral rebel. As predicted, results revealed significant positive correlations among the self-report, peer, and teacher ratings of adolescents' (1) general expressions of the tendency to be a moral rebel, (2) tendencies to possess a moral identity, and (3) tendencies to possess general moral courage characteristics. These significant positive inter-correlations emerged for the entire sample as well as for the male and female participants when they were considered separately. Contrary to prediction, moral identity (when considered independently and in combination with the general and situation-specific moral courage characteristics) did not consistently predict the general nor situation-specific expressions of the tendency to be a moral rebel. Furthermore, although the general moral courage characteristics did not consistently predict the adolescents’ caring, just, and brave expressions of the tendency to be a moral rebel, all of the indices of the adolescents' general moral courage characteristics (i.e., Self, Peer, and Teacher ratings; Self-Esteem, [Low] Need to Belong, Self-Efficacy, Assertiveness, Social Vigilantism) positively predicted the adolescents’ self-reported general tendency to be a moral rebel. Finally, two of the situation-specific moral courage characteristics (i.e., Empathic Concern and Willingness to Take Action in Physically Dangerous Situations) were found to be positively associated with the corresponding situation-specific (i.e., caring and brave, respectively) expressions of the tendency to be a moral rebel. The implications and limitations of the present findings, as well as directions for future research on the topic of moral rebelliousness in adolescents, are addressed

Despite an increasing interest in civil agency and its role in armed conflict, little is known about the effect it might have on rebel groups' patterns of behaviour. In this study I explore the theory of collective action capacity, which is the population's ability to cooperate and forego short term incentives to preserve long term cooperation, and its effect on rebel groups' method of generating compliance in new territory. My main claim is that non-secessionist rebel groups won’t be able to persuade populations with high collective action capacity to surrender to their control, and must therefore use coercive measures to generate compliance. This claim is tested through a qualitative comparative case study, and finds that rebels might always initially apply persuasive measures, and then if they realise that the society in question have high levels of collective action capacity, and thus willingness and ability to resist territorial occupation, fall back on coercive methods. The results provide support for the theoretical framework and the hypothesis, but alternative explanations make the result require further research to determine their significance.

Rebel governance and rebel violence against civilians are two closely related fields within peace and conflict research that have gained increased interest amongst scholars during recent years. Still, there is a gap within current research that concerns how variation in one field may influence variation in the other. This paper aims to fill this gap by applying a theory on rebel violence in the context of rebel governance to hypothesize that a high level of rebel governance will decrease the intensity of rebel violence against civilians. The hypothesis is tested through linear regression, using data from the UCDP One-Sided Violence dataset, Rebel Governance Dataset and a replication dataset by Huang and Sullivan (2021). The findings from the regression analysis suggest a negative relationship between a high level of rebel governance and decreased intensity of rebel violence against civilians which supports the hypothesis. However, these results are not statistically significant and therefore only provides indications of a relationship. Yet, this thesis contributes by interlinking two fields that are highly relevant in modern civil wars and thereby provides a small but important building block for future research.

No description available.

This paper explores ways in which civil conflict can be simulated using numerical methods. A general two-party model of conflict is developed by extending an approach proposed by [Christia, F., (2012), Alliance Formation in Civil Wars, Cambridge University Press, New York], which is based on a metric of the 'relative power' that exists between the state and a rebel group. Various definitions of relative power are considered and one of these is chosen to illustrate different types of two-sided armed conflict, namely direct-fire, guerrilla and asymmetric warfare. The additional suggestion of Christia that random or stochastic events can lead to unexpected conflict outcomes is also further extended in this paper. The inclusion in the model of terms describing concurrent rebel recruitment of civilians and state deployment of troops are then described. Examples are presented for various hypothetical cases. It is demonstrated that numerical simulation techniques have great potential for modelling civil war. The Christia approach is shown to provide an excellent basis from which numerical models of civil conflict can be built and from which the progress of a conflict can usefully be visualised graphically.

Targeted sanctions’ impact over rebel groups has not been examined by scholars, making it unclear whether the policy mechanism has the capacity to peacefully resolve intrastate armed conflicts and cease hostilities by weakening rebel groups. Considering the mentioned, the paper explores how targeted sanctions impact rebel groups, and suggests that properly monitored and effectively enforced targeted sanctions have the capacity to weaken rebel groups, via shortening rebels’ economic, military and political resources. Using the method of structured, focused comparison, the suggested hypothesis is empirically tested on the rebel groups of Revolutionary United Front in Sierra Leone and the National Union for the Total Independence of Angola in Angola. The findings of the study revealed that effectively monitored and enforced targeted sanctions are capable of lessening rebels’ military and political resources, however, observing sanctions impact on economic resources proved difficult. Based on the analyses and findings the paper suggests that imposition of targeted sanctions should be initiated at the early warning phase of a conflict, rather at the point when the intensity of conflict has reached its peak.

This dissertation is an argument for the existence of a previously unidentified rebellion novel genre. A close study of dozens of rebellion novels proved this to be true. The findings are a significant step in genre studies and in the general understanding of British novels with political purposes. This dissertation primarily focuses on the rebellion novels by Sir Walter Scott (Waverley, Rob Roy, Black Dwarf, Tale of Old Mortality, and The Heart of Mid-Lothian), Charles Dickens (Barnaby Rudge: A Tale of the Riots of Eighty, and The Tale of Two Cities), and Robert Louis Stevenson (Kidnapped, David Belfour, Dynamiter, The Young Chevalier and Pentland Rising), brushing over the rebellion novels of several other major nineteenth century authors. The category of rebellion novels is defined according to both linguistic (sentence and word structure, use of regional and class dialects and use of foreign languages) and structural (purpose, characters, setting, plot and generic) criteria. Genre is commonly studied either with structuralism or with linguistics, but it is illogical to separate linguistics from structure in a discussion of a literary category. In order to create a unified, single argument, I am focusing on the radical purpose rebellion novelists had in mind when they wrote rebellion novels, and I am extending the discussion of purpose into the linguistic and structural sections for each author, to explain subversive and radical politics at work even in the structural and linguistic elements of these works. Scott, Dickens and Stevenson used the tools of political literary propaganda to assist the poor, disenfranchised and periphery people that they identified with and hoped to see free from oppression and poverty. / Dr. Christopher R. Orchard Dr. Christopher Kuipers Dr. Signe Wegener

This comparative study analyzes two rebel groups that ended their respective civil wars through negotiations and came to power in the first post-war elections. The two cases being the African National Congress in South Africa and the Zimbabwe African National Union – Patriotic Front in Zimbabwe. Specifically the thesis examines rebel institutions and behaviors during armed conflict to assess in what ways they were tolerant or intolerant. The reason for the focus on tolerance and intolerance is that it is viewed as an important factor in how these two parties have related to political opposition after the war. This study shows that there are several similarities in terms of the presence of intolerance in the two cases, which leads to the conclusion that levels of tolerance during the armed conflict can not, on its own, explain the diverging paths of the two cases in the post-war period.