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John Milton has been frequently associated with rebellion, both by modern scholars and by his contemporaries. Objectively speaking, he may very well be a rebel; however, looking to his own works complicates the issue. In fact, Milton makes very clear in his writing, especially in The Tenure of Kings and Magistrates, that he abhors rebellion mainly because it is unlawful. Furthermore, he describes the uprising against King Charles I by disassociating it from any kind of rebellion, instead determining that the uprising was done lawfully. Milton writes about rebellion in the same way in many of his works leading up to and including Paradise Lost, where Satan resembles the rebel that Milton so vehemently despises. Given Milton's dislike of rebellion, his association of it with Satan complicates another commonplace scholarly argument; that Satan is sympathetic in Paradise Lost. This work will explicate Milton's definition of rebellion, especially through Tenure, and will then use that definition to demonstrate that Satan cannot be read as sympathetic. / Master of Arts

<p>Предмет докторске дисертације је рад два ванредна суда &ndash; Чрезвичајног суда над бунтовницима (1839) и Преког суда формираног поводом Катанске буне (1844). Први је формиран пошто је пропала Јованова буна, коју је подстакао кнез Милош Обреновић (1815&ndash;1839, 1858&ndash;1860) с циљем да ослаби утицај својих противника у Државном савету и васпостави своју апсолутну власт. Формирању Чрезвичајног суда претходила је истрага против осумњичених за учешће у буни, коју су водиле чак четири истражне комисије. Оне су током свог рада користила следећа доказна средства: признања окривљених, суочења окривљених, сведоке, суочења окривљених и сведока и писане исправе. Чрезвичајни суд почео је са радом 25. јула 1839. И он је спровео доказни поступак, у којем су коришћена мање-више иста доказна средства. Пошто су изведени докази, Чрезвичајни суд је приступио доношењу пресуда. Мање важни окривљени су или ослобођени кривице или осуђени на благе казне, док су они за које је Чрезвичајни суд устанио да су били покретачи и организатори буне осуђени на вишегодишње казне лишења слободе. Мање важни осуђени помиловани су још за време рада Чрезвичајног суда, да би недуго након тога уследило и помиловање важнијих осуђеника.<br />Катанска буна, догађај који је представљао повод за формирање другог ванредног суда, представља неуспели покушај присталица династије Обреновић да оборе устваобранитељски режим, одиграо се између 22. и 25. септембра 1844. Против неких од заробљених бунтовника истрагу су водили Тома Вучић Перишић, командант војске упућене да угуши побуну, и Стеван Новаковић, судија шабачког окружног суда. Истражни поступак, и то против свих окривљених водио је и сам Преки суд. Сем доказних средстава наведених у излагању о Чрезвичајном суду, у истрази коју је водио Преки суд употребљавано је и јемство представника власти за окривљене. Организатори и предводници буне осуђени су на смрт, они који су знали за буну пре њеног избијања, а то нису пријавили властима, на доживотну робију, лица која су се придружила бунтовницима на казне лишења слободе у различитом трајању, а они који су искористили метеж настао побуном за крађе на телесне казне или затвор од две године. У току 1845. и 1846. један број осуђених ослобођен је даљег издржавања казне, а неким осуђеницима казне су ублажене. Међутим, већина осуђених наставила је да издржава казне по слову пресуда Преког суда.<br />Разлог због којег је Преки суд био строжи него Чрезвичајни суд лежи у политичким околностима у којима су они деловали. Противници кнеза Милоша 1839. нису имали подршку у народу и због тога нису смели строгим кажњавањем да одвраћају потенцијалне присталице од себе. С друге стране, 1844. није постојала реална опасност од повратка Обреновића на српски престо. То је омогућило уставобранитељској власти да много строже казни покушај обреновићевске реакције.</p> / <p>Predmet doktorske disertacije je rad dva vanredna suda &ndash; Črezvičajnog suda nad buntovnicima (1839) i Prekog suda formiranog povodom Katanske bune (1844). Prvi je formiran pošto je propala Jovanova buna, koju je podstakao knez Miloš Obrenović (1815&ndash;1839, 1858&ndash;1860) s ciljem da oslabi uticaj svojih protivnika u Državnom savetu i vaspostavi svoju apsolutnu vlast. Formiranju Črezvičajnog suda prethodila je istraga protiv osumnjičenih za učešće u buni, koju su vodile čak četiri istražne komisije. One su tokom svog rada koristila sledeća dokazna sredstva: priznanja okrivljenih, suočenja okrivljenih, svedoke, suočenja okrivljenih i svedoka i pisane isprave. Črezvičajni sud počeo je sa radom 25. jula 1839. I on je sproveo dokazni postupak, u kojem su korišćena manje-više ista dokazna sredstva. Pošto su izvedeni dokazi, Črezvičajni sud je pristupio donošenju presuda. Manje važni okrivljeni su ili oslobođeni krivice ili osuđeni na blage kazne, dok su oni za koje je Črezvičajni sud ustanio da su bili pokretači i organizatori bune osuđeni na višegodišnje kazne lišenja slobode. Manje važni osuđeni pomilovani su još za vreme rada Črezvičajnog suda, da bi nedugo nakon toga usledilo i pomilovanje važnijih osuđenika.<br />Katanska buna, događaj koji je predstavljao povod za formiranje drugog vanrednog suda, predstavlja neuspeli pokušaj pristalica dinastije Obrenović da obore ustvaobraniteljski režim, odigrao se između 22. i 25. septembra 1844. Protiv nekih od zarobljenih buntovnika istragu su vodili Toma Vučić Perišić, komandant vojske upućene da uguši pobunu, i Stevan Novaković, sudija šabačkog okružnog suda. Istražni postupak, i to protiv svih okrivljenih vodio je i sam Preki sud. Sem dokaznih sredstava navedenih u izlaganju o Črezvičajnom sudu, u istrazi koju je vodio Preki sud upotrebljavano je i jemstvo predstavnika vlasti za okrivljene. Organizatori i predvodnici bune osuđeni su na smrt, oni koji su znali za bunu pre njenog izbijanja, a to nisu prijavili vlastima, na doživotnu robiju, lica koja su se pridružila buntovnicima na kazne lišenja slobode u različitom trajanju, a oni koji su iskoristili metež nastao pobunom za krađe na telesne kazne ili zatvor od dve godine. U toku 1845. i 1846. jedan broj osuđenih oslobođen je daljeg izdržavanja kazne, a nekim osuđenicima kazne su ublažene. Međutim, većina osuđenih nastavila je da izdržava kazne po slovu presuda Prekog suda.<br />Razlog zbog kojeg je Preki sud bio stroži nego Črezvičajni sud leži u političkim okolnostima u kojima su oni delovali. Protivnici kneza Miloša 1839. nisu imali podršku u narodu i zbog toga nisu smeli strogim kažnjavanjem da odvraćaju potencijalne pristalice od sebe. S druge strane, 1844. nije postojala realna opasnost od povratka Obrenovića na srpski presto. To je omogućilo ustavobraniteljskoj vlasti da mnogo strože kazni pokušaj obrenovićevske reakcije.</p> / <p>The subject of this doctoral dissertation are two irregular courts &ndash; Irregular Court for Rebels (1839) and Martial Court formed on the occasion of Katanska Rebellion (1844). The first of these two courts was formed after Jovan&rsquo;s rebellion, incited by Prince Milo&scaron; Obrenović (1815&ndash;1839, 1858&ndash;1860) with the goal of weakening the authority of his opponents in State Council and renewal of the ruler&rsquo;s absolute power, had been quenched. Antecedent of the Irregular Court&rsquo;s establishment, four investigation boards had undertaken the investigation against the persons suspected of participation in Jovan&rsquo;s Rebellion. In the course of the inquiry the boards produced following evidence: suspects&rsquo; confessions, confrontations of suspects, witnesses, confrontations of suspects with witnesses and documentary evidence. Irregular Court commenced its work on July 25th 1839. This institution also performed production of evidence, during which more or less above-cited sorts of evidence were produced. After the evidence had been shown, Irregular Court turned to deliberation. Less important suspects were either acquitted or sentenced to mild punishments, as those who Irregular Court found organizers and instigators of Jovan&rsquo;s Rebellion are condemned to multiyear prison sentences. The convicts of less significance were pardoned while Irregular Court&rsquo;s activity was still in progress. Not long after, more important convicts were granted pardon as well. Katane (Hussars)&rsquo;s Rebellion, the event that occasioned the formation of the second irregular court, represents an unsuccessful attempt of Obrenović dynasty&#39;s followers to overthrow Constitution-Defenders&#39; regime. The inquiry against some of the suspects was conducted by Toma Vučić Peri&scaron;ić, the commander of the troops sent to put down Katane&#39;s Rebellion, and Stevan Novaković, a judge of &Scaron;abac District Court. Martial Court also carried out investigations, of which all suspects were subjects. Besides evidence mentioned in previous paragraph, vouchments for a suspects&#39; moral integrity and rightful political attitude, given by the representatives of local authorities, were also used in the proceedings led by Martial Court. The organizers and instigators of Katane&#39;s Rebellion were sentenced to death, the persons who knew that the rebellion would break out and did not report it to the authorities were condemned to perpetual forced labor, the individuals who joined the rebells were sentenced to prison whose duration varied. The people who used Rebellion-provoked tumultation to commit thefts and burgalries were, according to verdicts of Court Martial, to undertake corporal punishments or two-year prison. In 1845 and 1846 a certain number of convicts was pardonned, as some sentences were mitigated. Nevertheless, most of them were not granted pardon.<br />The reason of Martial Court&#39;s greater harshness in comparison with Irregular Court lies in political circumstances in which the two institutions worked. Prince Milo&scaron;&rsquo;opponents were not favorite among the people. Therefore they did not want to even more deteriorate their low popularity by admitting Irregular Court to pronounce severe punishments. On the other hand, in 1844 Obrenovićs&rsquo; partisans were not serious threat to Constitution-Defenders regime. It enabled power-holders to punish an attempt of Obrenović&rsquo;s reaction more severely.</p>

This dissertation examines the complex story of Korah’s rebellion found in Numbers 16 and 17 utilizing narrative critical theory. This study is first grounded in the context of historical questions surrounding Israel’s emergence as a nation and the narrative’s potential for historical veracity. Many narrative critics do not feel the theoretical necessity to establish the connection between an autonomous text and a historical context. This study does seek to collaborate with historical research, but only as permitted by the data. Though only biblical and tangential evidence supports the historicity of the wilderness sojourn, the narrative accounts should not be repudiated because of philosophical bias or the lack of corroborative extra biblical evidence. Especially important to a literary interpretation of this narrative is the work of source critics who during their own enquiries have identified the fractures and transitions within the story. In considering the text of Numbers 16 and 17, the hermeneutical approach employed in this study carefully endorses a balanced incorporation of the theoretical constructs of the author, text, and reader in the interpretive enquiry. From this hermeneutical approach recent literary theory is applied to the texts of Numbers 16 and 17 focusing particular attention on three narrative themes. First, the narrator’s point of view is examined to determine the manner that information is relayed to the reader so as to demur the rebellion leaders. Though features of characterization are often meager in biblical narratives, there remains sufficient data in this rebellion story to support the aims of the Hebrew writers and does not undermine the reader’s engagement with the story’s participants. Finally, the three separate plotlines in this narrative sustain the dramatic effect upon the readership holding attention and judgment throughout and beyond the story. In sum, this dissertation highlights the powerful contours of this ancient narrative by appropriating the theoretical work of narrative critics. The strategies employed in the writing and editing of this story uniquely condemn the rebels and at the same time serve to elevate God’s chosen leader Moses. / Old Testament and Ancient Near Eastern Studies / D. Th. (Old Testament)

Bentinck's attitude towards his responsibilities as Govornor-general was conditioned to an important degree not only by the intellectual outlook he brought with him to India, but also by an emotional factor which originated with his dismissal by the Court of Directors from the Governorship of Madras in 1807. The son of a Whig politician, the third Duke of Portland, Bentinck had been in close touch with the political life of the late Eighteenth and early Nineteenth Centuries. His outlook was moulded, not by his father, but by the more imaginative of the Whigs - in particular by Burke and Charles James Fox, He was acquainted with the modes of thought inspired by Bentham and Adam Smith, both of whom could claim him as a disciple. His political sympathies, therefore, lay with the radicals. He was a doctrinnaire in the sense that he had a philosophical belief in progress, and considered the acceleration or initiation of change to be a primary duty of a statesman Bentinck was not in any way an originator of now ideas. His mind, while receptive to the impuluses of a new age, was not capable of originating or directing any of those impulses, It may be said of him, in fact, that his outlook was based more on scepticism towards conventional or traditional attitudes than on a perception of the spirit of liberalism.

The hypothesis that language discrimination contributes to protest and/or rebellion is tested. Constitutional language policy regarding administrative/judicial, educational and other matters is measured on three separate scales developed for this study; the status of each minority group's language under its country's policy is measured by another set of scales. Protest and rebellion variables are taken from Gurr's Minorities at Risk study. Findings include an indication that group language status contributes positively to protest and rebellion until a language attains moderate recognition by the government, at which point status develops a negative relationship with protest and rebellion, and an indication that countries with wider internal variations in their treatment of language groups experience higher levels of protest and rebellion on the part of minority groups.

Abstract   This thesis examines the role of women who went as missionaries to China between the 1890’s and the 1930’s, with a special regard to the Swedish missionary Sally Nordling. I think it is interesting to find out more about their motives. What made these women choose to go far away from their homes in Europe to live and work for God?   I have noted that there is not much written about these women and I hope that this thesis will shed light on this part of history, and that I will be able to give my own personal reflections. Through analysing different biographies written about female missionaries that lived in China I hope to be able to answer my hypothesis that women through their religious conviction were able to escape their restricted lives. The main research question for this thesis is whether female missionaries were allowed to do similar work as men when going to China.

The theme of the thesis is to look into the conflict of good and evil in the work of Tolkien The Silmarillion from a Biblical perspective. The text of Silmarillion itself is mainly used for identification of themes related to the central one. These themes are further analysed to reveal their origin, namely whether they came from the biblical tradition or some other tradition. The first part is devoted to the Silmarillion itself and provides a brief summary to remind reader of the basic plot line and motifs. The second part addresses the issue of good and evil from a cosmic perspective and its definition. This section also identifies the general principles of this combat taking into account its particular realisations and allows reader to determine the influence of Christianity, Norse mythology, and other sources on Tolkien's work. The third part deals with the conflict between good and evil in relation to particular persons or groups of persons, and describes the way people surrender to the evil and how they can resist it. It makes clear what values Tolkien considered important. In this thesis reader can once again find summarisation of the factors that influenced Tolkien's work.

A proposta desta pesquisa é reconstituir os aspectos socioeconômicos e os desdobramentos políticos da rebelião de presidiários do Instituto Correcional da Ilha Anchieta (Ubatuba, SP), ocorrida no dia 20 de junho de 1952. A hipótese norteadora é de que a rebelião teve um papel decisivo na reforma das prisões em São Paulo, cujos parâmetros e objetivos foram debatidos e executados nas gestões de Lucas Nogueira Garcez (1950-1954) e Jânio Quadros (1955-1959) no Governo do Estado. Assim, a referida rebelião será considerada como estudo de caso para a compreensão do regime prisional e penitenciário em São Paulo nos anos 1950. Com base nos autos de Inquérito Policial realizado pelo DEOPS-SP (1952-1953) pretende-se elaborar um perfil socioeconômico dos presos da Ilha Anchieta, considerando: idade, estado civil, cor, naturalidade, profissão, grau de instrução, filiação, situação familiar, condições de moradia, tempo e motivo do encarceramento. Estas informações fornecerão subsídios para compreender a relação entre processos econômicos de conjuntura e as políticas de controle social, sobretudo o funcionamento da prisão. Por outro lado, ainda no contexto da Ilha, pretende-se reconstituir aspectos da organização do Instituto Correcional da Ilha Anchieta, tais como: o trabalho prisional, a administração do pecúlio, os gastos da administração pública com a manutenção e reforma do presídio pós-rebelião, a relação entre presos e funcionários, o atendimento aos pedidos de livramento condicional, os castigos e o lazer. Considerando a rebelião como um momento de ruptura do equilíbrio de poder no interior da instituição, suas causas serão buscadas nesses aspectos que estruturam o cotidiano prisional. Para compreender o lugar ocupado pela rebelião no processo de reforma das prisões em São Paulo, esta pesquisa propõe analisar a repercussão do evento na grande mídia e nas publicações especializadas, além de resgatar os atos administrativos, normativos e legais executados pelos poderes Legislativo e Executivo. / The aim of this research is to study the socioeconomic conditions and the political developments of the inmates rebellion at Anchietas Island (Ubatubta/SP), in June 20, 1952. The main hypothesis is that this rebellion played a decisive role in the reform of prisons in Sao Paulo, whose parameters and objectives were discussed and implemented during the administrations of Lucas Nogueira Garcez (1950-1954) and Jânio Quadros (1955-1959), at State Government. Thus, the mentioned rebellion will be considered as a case study to understand the prison and penitentiary regimen in São Paulo at mid-twentieth century. Based on the records of the Police Inquires directed by Delegacia Especializada em Ordem Politica e Social from São Paulo State (DEOPS-SP), it is intended to build a profile of socioeconomic conditions of that prison, concerning inmates and employees, by collecting information about: age, place of birth, schooling, family relations, housing conditions, time and reason for conviction, work conditions before condemnation, skin color, filiations and civil status. These informations will provide aids to understand the relation between economical process and social control policies. On the other hand, but still in the Anchieta s Island context, it is intended to restore some organization aspects of the Instituto Correcional da Ilha Anchieta, as: labor-therapy, the administration of the inmates peculium, the government spending with the prison before and after the rebellion, some trends of the social relations inside the prison, punishments, rewards and recreation. Considering the rebellion as a disrupting of a certain balance of power in a priso, their causes will be sought in those aspects of everyday life in a prison. To understand the place that Anchietas Island rebellion had occupied in the reform of prisons in Sao Paulo, this research proposes to restore the administrative, legal and normative acts operated by the Legislative and Executive powers and, in the meantime, analyze the repercussion in the specialized media and in the mass media.

Cette thèse porte sur la crise ivoirienne dans ce qu’elle décline de pluralité étiologique, de complexité dimensionnelle mais également d’intérêt épistémologique et heuristique en raison des pistes analytiques qu’elle ouvre et permet. Elle enracine la crise dans le « sol des fondations » développementalistes et du diffusionnisme des modèles étatiques à l’épreuve de la donne endogène. L’Houphouëtisme, conception pragmatiste du pouvoir, structure en grande partie la trajectoire ivoirienne postcoloniale marquée par le double cycle de la stabilité et de l’implosion crisogène. La crise structurelle de l’État-nation ivoirien a un complexe étiologique pluriel (économique, social, foncier, migratoire, politique, biopolitique). La faillite du modèle agro-exportateur a servi de terreau fertile à la triple crise socio- économique, politique et militaire. La phénoménologie belligène puise, en réalité, dans des causes lointaines et structurelles. Manipulant l’autochtonie et la différence ethnique à des fins politiciennes, les entrepreneurs politiques ivoiriens semblent avoir choisi le pouvoir au détriment de la nation. L’ivoirité, en tant qu’idéologie d’exclusion, est, en réalité, un outil biopolitique au service de la préservation tant du pouvoir que de l’hégémonie politique. Elle symbolise autant la déhouphouëtisation que la rupture du consensus social. Autant l’ethnie n’est pas, selon nous, une momie autant l’ivoirité ne constitue point ici un disque dur étiologique. Plus profondes et structurelles, les causes de la crise ivoirienne s’enracinent tant dans la généalogie que dans la trajectoire de l’État-nation à la construction inachevée. Renversant le paradigme marxiste, nous donnons ici le primat au politique sur l’économique dans une réalité ivoirienne marquée par la double faiblesse du secteur privé et de la société civile, conférant à la sphère étatique et son immense manne une importance néopatrimoniale. La rébellion et le recours aux armes comme moyens concurrentiels dans la conquête du pouvoir et la partition consacrent la fracture de l’État-nation, aggravée par la crise post électorale de 2010/2011. La prégnance des enjeux politiques n’empêche point de recourir à l’interparadigmité ainsi qu’à la bénéfique connexion des sciences pour un éclairage politologique, et au-delà, une exploration de ce champ épistémique que constitue la Côte d’Ivoire « dans » et « avec » le Monde. / This thesis focuses on the Ivorian crisis in what it holds in terms of etiological dimensional complexity but also of epistemological and heuristic interest because of the analytical ideas it opens and allows. It roots the crisis in the "rockbottom" of developmentalist theories and the diffusionism of state models resistant to endogenous data. Houphouëtism, a pragmatist conception of power, structures most of the Ivorian postcolonial trajectory marked by the dual cycle of stability and crisogenic implosion. A structural crisis of the Ivorian nation-state with a manifold etiologic complex (economic, social, land use, migration, politics, biopolitics). The failure of an agricultural export model fed the threefold crisis: socio-economic, political and military. The phenomenology generating war goes back, in fact, to structural and remote causes. Manipulating indigenism (autochthonous) and ethnic differences for political ends, Ivorian political “entrepreneurs” seem to have opted for power at the expense of the nation. Ivoreanity, as an ideology of exclusion, is in reality a biopolitical tool at the service of retaining power as well as political dominance. It symbolizes the dehouphouëtization as well as the break up of social consensus. Neither is ethnicity, in our opinion, a mummy, nor is Ivoreanity here an etiological hard drive. Deeper and more structural, the causes of the Ivorian crisis are rooted as much in the genealogy as in the trajectory of the nation-state whose construction is still unfinished. Reversing the Marxist paradigm, here we give primacy to the political over the economic in an Ivorian reality marked by a double weakness of private sector and civil society, giving the state sphere and its immense manna a neo-patrimonial importance. Rebellion and the use of weapons as a means to compete in the conquest of power and partition emphasize the collapse of the nation-state, aggravated by post-election crisis of 2010/2011. The salience of political issues does not prevent resorting to interparadigmity and the beneficial connection of science to political science insights, and Beyond, an exploration of this epistemic field that is Côte d'Ivoire "in" and "with" the World.