Although the 1837-38 Rebellions and the Union of the Canadas have received much attention from historians, the Special Council—a political body that bridged two constitutions—remains largely unexplored in comparison. This dissertation considers its time as the legislature of Lower Canada. More specifically, it examines its social, political and economic impact on the colony and its inhabitants. Based on the works of previous historians and on various primary sources, this dissertation first demonstrates that the Special Council proved to be very important to Lower Canada, but more specifically, to British merchants and Tories. After years of frustration for this group, the era of the Special Council represented what could be called a “catching up” period regarding their social, commercial and economic interests in the colony. This first section ends with an evaluation of the legacy of the Special Council, and posits the theory that the period was revolutionary as it produced several ordinances that changed the colony’s social, economic and political culture This first section will also set the stage for the most important matter considered in this dissertation as it emphasizes the Special Council’s authoritarianism. During this period, Lower Canadians lost all political rights and the decisions taken by the Special Council were made by non-elected councilors. The second section therefore considers the various ordinances the council passed, its obvious favoritism and authoritarianism, and the opinions of Lower Canadians towards them. The following questions are considered: did the British and French-Canadians react differently to the dissolution of their legislature and the suspension of their constitution? Considering the fact that many people, habitants and British alike, did not support the rebellion, did they view the council as a necessity in restoring peace and stability to the colony, and therefore accepted its authoritarianism, and even supported it? More importantly, did French-Canadians submit to the Special Council and all of the new laws and institutions it imposed in the years following the failed rebellions? Evidence suggests that French-Canadians were very vocal in their opposition to the Special Council.

Although the 1837-38 Rebellions and the Union of the Canadas have received much attention from historians, the Special Council—a political body that bridged two constitutions—remains largely unexplored in comparison. This dissertation considers its time as the legislature of Lower Canada. More specifically, it examines its social, political and economic impact on the colony and its inhabitants. Based on the works of previous historians and on various primary sources, this dissertation first demonstrates that the Special Council proved to be very important to Lower Canada, but more specifically, to British merchants and Tories. After years of frustration for this group, the era of the Special Council represented what could be called a “catching up” period regarding their social, commercial and economic interests in the colony. This first section ends with an evaluation of the legacy of the Special Council, and posits the theory that the period was revolutionary as it produced several ordinances that changed the colony’s social, economic and political culture This first section will also set the stage for the most important matter considered in this dissertation as it emphasizes the Special Council’s authoritarianism. During this period, Lower Canadians lost all political rights and the decisions taken by the Special Council were made by non-elected councilors. The second section therefore considers the various ordinances the council passed, its obvious favoritism and authoritarianism, and the opinions of Lower Canadians towards them. The following questions are considered: did the British and French-Canadians react differently to the dissolution of their legislature and the suspension of their constitution? Considering the fact that many people, habitants and British alike, did not support the rebellion, did they view the council as a necessity in restoring peace and stability to the colony, and therefore accepted its authoritarianism, and even supported it? More importantly, did French-Canadians submit to the Special Council and all of the new laws and institutions it imposed in the years following the failed rebellions? Evidence suggests that French-Canadians were very vocal in their opposition to the Special Council.

Although the 1837-38 Rebellions and the Union of the Canadas have received much attention from historians, the Special Council—a political body that bridged two constitutions—remains largely unexplored in comparison. This dissertation considers its time as the legislature of Lower Canada. More specifically, it examines its social, political and economic impact on the colony and its inhabitants. Based on the works of previous historians and on various primary sources, this dissertation first demonstrates that the Special Council proved to be very important to Lower Canada, but more specifically, to British merchants and Tories. After years of frustration for this group, the era of the Special Council represented what could be called a “catching up” period regarding their social, commercial and economic interests in the colony. This first section ends with an evaluation of the legacy of the Special Council, and posits the theory that the period was revolutionary as it produced several ordinances that changed the colony’s social, economic and political culture This first section will also set the stage for the most important matter considered in this dissertation as it emphasizes the Special Council’s authoritarianism. During this period, Lower Canadians lost all political rights and the decisions taken by the Special Council were made by non-elected councilors. The second section therefore considers the various ordinances the council passed, its obvious favoritism and authoritarianism, and the opinions of Lower Canadians towards them. The following questions are considered: did the British and French-Canadians react differently to the dissolution of their legislature and the suspension of their constitution? Considering the fact that many people, habitants and British alike, did not support the rebellion, did they view the council as a necessity in restoring peace and stability to the colony, and therefore accepted its authoritarianism, and even supported it? More importantly, did French-Canadians submit to the Special Council and all of the new laws and institutions it imposed in the years following the failed rebellions? Evidence suggests that French-Canadians were very vocal in their opposition to the Special Council.

Although the 1837-38 Rebellions and the Union of the Canadas have received much attention from historians, the Special Council—a political body that bridged two constitutions—remains largely unexplored in comparison. This dissertation considers its time as the legislature of Lower Canada. More specifically, it examines its social, political and economic impact on the colony and its inhabitants. Based on the works of previous historians and on various primary sources, this dissertation first demonstrates that the Special Council proved to be very important to Lower Canada, but more specifically, to British merchants and Tories. After years of frustration for this group, the era of the Special Council represented what could be called a “catching up” period regarding their social, commercial and economic interests in the colony. This first section ends with an evaluation of the legacy of the Special Council, and posits the theory that the period was revolutionary as it produced several ordinances that changed the colony’s social, economic and political culture This first section will also set the stage for the most important matter considered in this dissertation as it emphasizes the Special Council’s authoritarianism. During this period, Lower Canadians lost all political rights and the decisions taken by the Special Council were made by non-elected councilors. The second section therefore considers the various ordinances the council passed, its obvious favoritism and authoritarianism, and the opinions of Lower Canadians towards them. The following questions are considered: did the British and French-Canadians react differently to the dissolution of their legislature and the suspension of their constitution? Considering the fact that many people, habitants and British alike, did not support the rebellion, did they view the council as a necessity in restoring peace and stability to the colony, and therefore accepted its authoritarianism, and even supported it? More importantly, did French-Canadians submit to the Special Council and all of the new laws and institutions it imposed in the years following the failed rebellions? Evidence suggests that French-Canadians were very vocal in their opposition to the Special Council.

From 1689 through 1746 the supporters of the deposed House of Stuart, known as Jacobites and composed largely of Highland Scots, staged periodic rebellions against the new Hanoverian rulers in London. During this period, the Highlanders of Scotland experienced a period of military triumph unlike any other in their history. Through the combination of the ancient tactic of the charge, the use of the broadsword as their primary weapon, and the implementation of the musket, the Highlanders blended the best elements of the ancient and early modern military tactics and technology to develop a unique tactic, the Highland Charge. Essentially, the Highlanders would assemble preferably on high ground, charge down upon their enemy, fire their muskets and throw them to the ground, regroup into wedge shaped formations behind the musket-fire smokescreen, and then charge sword-in-hand into the opposing army's lines. The Highland Charge repeatedly defeated the British forces, which should have been superior in virtually every respect. The British army was an early modern force using the latest tactics and technology. The British forces that fought the Highlanders were a mix of militiamen and seasoned veterans of the continental wars. In essence the military engagements between the Jacobites and British were a contest between an undisciplined archaic force and a disciplined thoroughly modern force. The combination of ancient and early modern elements, the change in formation, and the great success of the Highland Charge generates immense interest in this subject. / Master of Arts

A necessidade de contornar o problema da falta de contingente no interior do exército brasileiro no momento posterior à emancipação política levou à incorporação de estrangeiros durante o primeiro reinado. Para tanto, o governo imperial arregimentou alemães e irlandeses para servirem como soldados a fim de fortalecer as tropas no conflito que se agravava na região da Cisplatina. Em 1827, quando desembarcaram os primeiros irlandeses no Rio de Janeiro, estes estrangeiros recusaram-se a servir como mercenários, afirmando terem sido contratados como colonos. A demorada resolução desta questão e a tensa relação vivida no cotidiano destes imigrantes, agravando a já grave situação das tropas alemãs aquarteladas na cidade, levaram a diversos conflitos que tiveram seu cume na revolta das tropas em junho de 1828. Esse evento particular permite compreender como o Estado Nacional brasileiro no momento de sua conturbada instauração, passava em seu processo de consolidação administrativa por um momento delicado, pois, ao mesmo tempo em que era necessário garantir a manutenção territorial, era imprescindível definir os requisitos mínimos para a formação da futura nação, e de quem poderia ou não ter o direito de pertencer a ela. / The need to solve the problem of lack of men in the Brazilian army after the political emancipation led to the incorporation of foreigners during the first reign. Thus, the imperial government regimented Germans and Irish to serve as soldiers in order to strengthen the troops in the conflict that worsened in the region of Cisplatin. In 1827, when the first Irish landed in Rio de Janeiro, these foreigners refused to serve as mercenaries, claiming they had been hired as settlers. The delayed resolution of this issue and the tense relationship of these immigrants in the daily life, exacerbating the already serious situation of German troops stationed in the city, led to several conflicts that eventually lead to the uprising of troops in June 1828. This particular event provides insight into how the Brazilian National State during the disturbing period of formation passed in its process of administrative consolidation by a delicate moment, at same time that was necessary ensure the maintenance of its territory, was essential to define the minimum requirements for the formation of the future nation, and who might or might not have the right to belong to it.

Esta tese analisa as mudanças na morfologia das interações sociais na Penitenciária Feminina Madre Pelletier (RS), destacando os aspectos relativos aos controles formais e informais produzidos em meio aos jogos de poder pelos diferentes grupos que habitam a prisão. O estudo contempla o período entre 1990 e 2008 e desconstrói a percepção do encarceramento feminino centrado na singularidade, homogeneização e sujeição feminina frente a um único poder: o do Estado, deixando de considerar o poder disseminado entre indivíduos em suas diferentes posições na configuração prisional. Focamos a relação das mulheres com os delitos de drogas, na medida em que este delito tem redefinido a trajetória criminal feminina. Ao mesmo tempo, essa relação adentra a penitenciária e põe em circulação interesses e uma lógica mercantil sustentada pela violência entre grupos. As interações na sociedade prisional feminina passaram a se caracterizar pela instabilidade, pela presença de um código informal sustentado pelas presas, por ambivalências nos discursos e nas práticas relativas à mulher envolvida em delitos de drogas e, por extensão, à mulher. Rebeldia, micro poderes, sexualidade e ações coletivas definem as relações sociais entre as mulheres aprisionadas, longe dos antigos projetos da reabilitação da sociedade moderna. / This thesis analyses the morphological changes of the social institutions in the Women’s Prison of Madre Pelletier (RS), bringing out the aspects related to the formal and informal controls produced amid games of power by the different groups that dwell the prison. The study contemplates the period between 1990 and 2008, and deconstructs the perception of the women’s imprisonment centered on the singularity, homogenization and the women’s subjection against a single power: the State’s, not considering the power scattered among the individuals in their different positions in the prison setting. We focused on the women’s relation with the drug offenses, as they have redefined the women’s criminal trajectory. At the same time, this relation enters the prison and causes the circulation of interest, as well as, merchant logic sustained by the violence between groups. The interactions in the women’s prison society began to be characterized by the instability, by the presence of an informal code sustained by the imprisoned, by ambivalences towards the speeches and the practices related to the woman involved in drug offenses and, by extension, to the woman. Rebelliousness, micro powers, sexuality and collective actions define the social relations between imprisoned women, far from the old projects of the rehabilitation of the modern society.

Esta tese analisa as mudanças na morfologia das interações sociais na Penitenciária Feminina Madre Pelletier (RS), destacando os aspectos relativos aos controles formais e informais produzidos em meio aos jogos de poder pelos diferentes grupos que habitam a prisão. O estudo contempla o período entre 1990 e 2008 e desconstrói a percepção do encarceramento feminino centrado na singularidade, homogeneização e sujeição feminina frente a um único poder: o do Estado, deixando de considerar o poder disseminado entre indivíduos em suas diferentes posições na configuração prisional. Focamos a relação das mulheres com os delitos de drogas, na medida em que este delito tem redefinido a trajetória criminal feminina. Ao mesmo tempo, essa relação adentra a penitenciária e põe em circulação interesses e uma lógica mercantil sustentada pela violência entre grupos. As interações na sociedade prisional feminina passaram a se caracterizar pela instabilidade, pela presença de um código informal sustentado pelas presas, por ambivalências nos discursos e nas práticas relativas à mulher envolvida em delitos de drogas e, por extensão, à mulher. Rebeldia, micro poderes, sexualidade e ações coletivas definem as relações sociais entre as mulheres aprisionadas, longe dos antigos projetos da reabilitação da sociedade moderna. / This thesis analyses the morphological changes of the social institutions in the Women’s Prison of Madre Pelletier (RS), bringing out the aspects related to the formal and informal controls produced amid games of power by the different groups that dwell the prison. The study contemplates the period between 1990 and 2008, and deconstructs the perception of the women’s imprisonment centered on the singularity, homogenization and the women’s subjection against a single power: the State’s, not considering the power scattered among the individuals in their different positions in the prison setting. We focused on the women’s relation with the drug offenses, as they have redefined the women’s criminal trajectory. At the same time, this relation enters the prison and causes the circulation of interest, as well as, merchant logic sustained by the violence between groups. The interactions in the women’s prison society began to be characterized by the instability, by the presence of an informal code sustained by the imprisoned, by ambivalences towards the speeches and the practices related to the woman involved in drug offenses and, by extension, to the woman. Rebelliousness, micro powers, sexuality and collective actions define the social relations between imprisoned women, far from the old projects of the rehabilitation of the modern society.

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A partir da problematização da instituição de privação de liberdade para adolescentes em São Paulo, a Fundação CASA, busca-se, como objetivo central, identificar os processos de simetrização entre aquela entidade e as instituições de internação voltadas para adultos, as "prisões”. A partir disso, destaca-se, como objetivo específico, a ocorrência de rebeliões enquanto uma simetria-chave para a presente análise: esses acontecimentos se dão como situações-limite, a partir das quais se pode apreender o que é acionado nas relações e instituições que envolvem esses processos. Constata-se como as rebeliões, vistas como ruptura do cotidiano, fazem parte da sociabilidade institucional, estando presente no próprio dia-a-dia dos atores que circulam pela instituição. / This study is part of the debate on adolescents in conflict with the law. As a central objective, based on the problematization of the institution of deprivation of liberty for adolescents in São Paulo, Fundação CASA, the analysis seeks to identify the processes of symmetry between this institution and the institutions directed toward adults, the "prisons". From this, we highlight, as a specific objective, the occurrence of rebellions as a key-symmetry for the present analysis: these events are given as limitsituations, from which one can grasp what is triggered in relations and institutions which are part of the institutional sociability, being present in the daily life of the actors that circulate through the institution. / CAPES: 1207857

Esta tese analisa as mudanças na morfologia das interações sociais na Penitenciária Feminina Madre Pelletier (RS), destacando os aspectos relativos aos controles formais e informais produzidos em meio aos jogos de poder pelos diferentes grupos que habitam a prisão. O estudo contempla o período entre 1990 e 2008 e desconstrói a percepção do encarceramento feminino centrado na singularidade, homogeneização e sujeição feminina frente a um único poder: o do Estado, deixando de considerar o poder disseminado entre indivíduos em suas diferentes posições na configuração prisional. Focamos a relação das mulheres com os delitos de drogas, na medida em que este delito tem redefinido a trajetória criminal feminina. Ao mesmo tempo, essa relação adentra a penitenciária e põe em circulação interesses e uma lógica mercantil sustentada pela violência entre grupos. As interações na sociedade prisional feminina passaram a se caracterizar pela instabilidade, pela presença de um código informal sustentado pelas presas, por ambivalências nos discursos e nas práticas relativas à mulher envolvida em delitos de drogas e, por extensão, à mulher. Rebeldia, micro poderes, sexualidade e ações coletivas definem as relações sociais entre as mulheres aprisionadas, longe dos antigos projetos da reabilitação da sociedade moderna. / This thesis analyses the morphological changes of the social institutions in the Women’s Prison of Madre Pelletier (RS), bringing out the aspects related to the formal and informal controls produced amid games of power by the different groups that dwell the prison. The study contemplates the period between 1990 and 2008, and deconstructs the perception of the women’s imprisonment centered on the singularity, homogenization and the women’s subjection against a single power: the State’s, not considering the power scattered among the individuals in their different positions in the prison setting. We focused on the women’s relation with the drug offenses, as they have redefined the women’s criminal trajectory. At the same time, this relation enters the prison and causes the circulation of interest, as well as, merchant logic sustained by the violence between groups. The interactions in the women’s prison society began to be characterized by the instability, by the presence of an informal code sustained by the imprisoned, by ambivalences towards the speeches and the practices related to the woman involved in drug offenses and, by extension, to the woman. Rebelliousness, micro powers, sexuality and collective actions define the social relations between imprisoned women, far from the old projects of the rehabilitation of the modern society.