A necessidade de contornar o problema da falta de contingente no interior do exército brasileiro no momento posterior à emancipação política levou à incorporação de estrangeiros durante o primeiro reinado. Para tanto, o governo imperial arregimentou alemães e irlandeses para servirem como soldados a fim de fortalecer as tropas no conflito que se agravava na região da Cisplatina. Em 1827, quando desembarcaram os primeiros irlandeses no Rio de Janeiro, estes estrangeiros recusaram-se a servir como mercenários, afirmando terem sido contratados como colonos. A demorada resolução desta questão e a tensa relação vivida no cotidiano destes imigrantes, agravando a já grave situação das tropas alemãs aquarteladas na cidade, levaram a diversos conflitos que tiveram seu cume na revolta das tropas em junho de 1828. Esse evento particular permite compreender como o Estado Nacional brasileiro no momento de sua conturbada instauração, passava em seu processo de consolidação administrativa por um momento delicado, pois, ao mesmo tempo em que era necessário garantir a manutenção territorial, era imprescindível definir os requisitos mínimos para a formação da futura nação, e de quem poderia ou não ter o direito de pertencer a ela. / The need to solve the problem of lack of men in the Brazilian army after the political emancipation led to the incorporation of foreigners during the first reign. Thus, the imperial government regimented Germans and Irish to serve as soldiers in order to strengthen the troops in the conflict that worsened in the region of Cisplatin. In 1827, when the first Irish landed in Rio de Janeiro, these foreigners refused to serve as mercenaries, claiming they had been hired as settlers. The delayed resolution of this issue and the tense relationship of these immigrants in the daily life, exacerbating the already serious situation of German troops stationed in the city, led to several conflicts that eventually lead to the uprising of troops in June 1828. This particular event provides insight into how the Brazilian National State during the disturbing period of formation passed in its process of administrative consolidation by a delicate moment, at same time that was necessary ensure the maintenance of its territory, was essential to define the minimum requirements for the formation of the future nation, and who might or might not have the right to belong to it.

No description available.

Este trabalho propõe a investigação da interface entre as identidades políticas e raciais envolvidas na revolta liberal da Sabinada (Bahia, 1837-1838). A análise basear-se-á na documentação produzida pelos próprios envolvidos e também nas fontes referentes à repressão do movimento, de modo que se ofereça um panorama comparativo entre a autoidentificação dos rebeldes e a identificação destes pelos seus adversários. A investigação proposta se insere no amplo debate a respeito da formação da identidade nacional brasileira, dada a partir do reordenamento das múltiplas identidades engendradas no processo de formação e desagregação do Império Português na América. / This work proposes to investigate the interface between political and racial identities involved in the liberal rebellion called Sabinada (Bahia, 1837-1838). The analysis will be based on the documentation produced by the people involved in it and also by the sources regarding the repression of it. The identities of rebels and legalists as seen by themselves and by their opponents will be compared. The proposed investigation becomes part of a broad debate concerning the Brazilian national identity, given after the rearrangement of multiple identities generated in the formation processes and the disintegration of the Portuguese Empire in America.

Este trabalho propõe a investigação da interface entre as identidades políticas e raciais envolvidas na revolta liberal da Sabinada (Bahia, 1837-1838). A análise basear-se-á na documentação produzida pelos próprios envolvidos e também nas fontes referentes à repressão do movimento, de modo que se ofereça um panorama comparativo entre a autoidentificação dos rebeldes e a identificação destes pelos seus adversários. A investigação proposta se insere no amplo debate a respeito da formação da identidade nacional brasileira, dada a partir do reordenamento das múltiplas identidades engendradas no processo de formação e desagregação do Império Português na América. / This work proposes to investigate the interface between political and racial identities involved in the liberal rebellion called Sabinada (Bahia, 1837-1838). The analysis will be based on the documentation produced by the people involved in it and also by the sources regarding the repression of it. The identities of rebels and legalists as seen by themselves and by their opponents will be compared. The proposed investigation becomes part of a broad debate concerning the Brazilian national identity, given after the rearrangement of multiple identities generated in the formation processes and the disintegration of the Portuguese Empire in America.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:31:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Wesley Martins Santos.pdf: 1289924 bytes, checksum: 4db15d991610f1452e3c4074f120964e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-10-14 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This research aimed to examine the prison system and rebellions of the State of São Paulo (1988-2006), in the light of Penal Execution Law (LEP) and its regulations, to identify how these are put into practice. This comparison identifies state practice with respect to its purposes in relation to persons who are in custody in the prison system. This composes sets of increasingly larger units, with buildings constructed as increasingly sophisticated patterns, governed by rules of conduct, whose standards are considered the most modern, controlled by contingents of police that come broadening, with ongoing training in safety techniques whose logical understanding of this universe that resembles war situations This system keeps under control a very diverse population, in every way, particularly as to their classification before the codes, civil and criminal. Within its high walls, state agents assigned to both, control a huge number of people (who arrives in the analyzed period exceed 500 000) that, in practice, have lost any right to citizenship and live in utter human degradation, which is additional to their statutory penalty. The inclusion of such individuals in this system, many of them without formal trial, is the loss of any rights, including those linked to human dignity. Reduced to levels inconceivable inhumanities in a system that says modern and governed by laws considered advanced as to the purpose of reintegration of such individuals in society, such people lose any references sociability of the world outside those walls. As is human nature, these conditions administer new rules of sociability, born under the sign of the utmost violence to each other and governed by the darkest senses of the human being. Emerge under the aegis of the law of survival in situations limits of inhumanity which leads them to form flocks in territorial dispute, which tend to recognize as leaders who proves stronger, more ruthless, relentless and radical towards enemies. State action in this universe is the antagonist of the resulting law indicates that such a system cannot meet the objectives established by the penal codes, and moreover, is one of the factors that increases the violence existing in society. For the development of this research, several sources such as newspaper reports, interviews with former prisoners, official data from state agencies and laws governing the system during the period in question were used. These data were analyzed in light of the literature that has discussed this issue and with the help of authors who found theoretical teachings connected to this reality / A presente pesquisa teve como finalidade analisar o sistema prisional e as rebeliões do Estado de São Paulo (1988-2006), à luz da Lei de Execução Penal (LEP) e suas regulamentações, com vistas à identificar como acontecem na prática. Tal cotejamento identifica a prática do Estado no que concerne às suas finalidades em relação às pessoas que ficam sob sua custódia no sistema carcerário. Esse compõe conjuntos de unidades cada vez maiores, com prédios construídos conforme padrões cada vez mais sofisticados, regidos por regras de condutas, cujas normas são consideradas as mais modernas. Os espaços são controlados por contingentes de policiais que vêm se ampliando, com treinamentos permanentes em técnicas de segurança e que seguem como lógica o entendimento de que este universo se assemelha às situações de guerra. Esse sistema mantém sob controle uma população muito diversificada, em todos os sentidos, particularmente quanto à sua classificação perante os códigos, civil e criminal. No interior de seus altos muros, os agentes do Estado designados para tanto, controlam um contingente enorme de pessoas (que no período analisado ultrapassava os 500 mil), os quais, na prática, perderam qualquer direito de cidadania e vivem na mais completa degradação humana, o que se acresce à sua pena legal. A inserção de tais indivíduos neste sistema, muitos dos quais sem julgamento formal, representa a perda de qualquer direito, inclusive os vinculados à dignidade humana. Reduzidos aos níveis de desumanidades inconcebíveis em um sistema que se diz moderno e regido por leis consideradas avançadas quanto à finalidade de reinserção de tais indivíduos na sociedade, tais pessoas perdem quaisquer referências de sociabilidade do mundo fora daqueles muros. Como é da natureza humana, nestas condições gestam novas regras de sociabilidade, nascidas sob o signo da violência máxima entre si e regidas pelos sentidos mais obscuros do ser humano. Emergem sob a égide da lei da sobrevivência em situações limites de desumanidade o que os leva a formar bandos em disputa territorial, que tendem a reconhecer como líderes aquele que se mostra mais forte, mais cruel, implacável e radical para com os inimigos. A ação do Estado nesse universo é o antagônico do que preconiza a lei e resulta num sistema que não cumpre as finalidades previstas pelos códigos penais e, além disso, constitui um dos fatores que aumenta a violência já vigente na sociedade. Para o desenvolvimento desta pesquisa, foram utilizadas fontes diversas, como notícias de jornais, entrevistas a ex-encarcerados, dados oficiais das agências do Estado e leis que regulam o sistema no período em questão. Esses dados foram analisados à luz da bibliografia que discute a questão, respaldados em autores que fundam preceitos teóricos afetos a essa realidade

Au Tchad, le triptyque « armées, sécurité et rébellions » est indissociable, tant il mêle des acteurs armés qui ont dominé la scène nationale depuis l’indépendance du pays en 1960. L’entrelacs des intérêts et des combats a aussi provoqué l’implication d’intervenants extérieurs nombreux, la France et la Libye en premier lieu. Tous ont participé à cette séquence historique, de 1969 à 1990, dominée par l'émergence d'une rébellion, le Front de libération nationale du Tchad (FROLINAT), qui finira par s'emparer du pouvoir et engendrer une guerre civile suivie d'une guerre de libération des provinces du Nord. La France s’engage au Tchad en 1969 dans sa première véritable guerre depuis l’indépendance de l’Algérie, et dès lors restera actrice du destin de ce pays, sous tous les régimes successifs, de Tombalbaye au régime d’Hissène Habré. Elle cherche à conserver son appréciation autonome de situation, et renseigner sur les groupes rebelles du Tchad, la Jamariyya libyenne, voire ses propres alliés, afin de donner à ses décideurs politiques et militaires des clés de compréhension et d’action. Dans cette guerre d’un genre nouveau et méconnu des citoyens français, le renseignement et les actions spéciales constituent des armes fondamentales au cœur des engagements opérationnels, de l’évolution des différents types de capteurs, et des tensions interservices entre le SDECE/DGSE et les autres services chargés de renseignement. Parce qu'elle veut conserver son rang en Afrique notamment dans la bande sahélo-saharienne, concurrencée par les Etats-Unis, défiante vis-à-vis de la Libye et de l'Union soviétique; parce qu'elle est très impliquée dans les affaires intérieures du Tchad, parfois avec excès; et enfin parce que ses adversaires la contraignent à une adaptation permanente de posture et de capacités militaires, la France va faire du Tchad son point focal en Afrique, le laboratoire de ses futurs engagements, à la frontière entre légalité et légitimité, entre actions conventionnelles et spéciales, entre raison d'Etat et diplomatie. / In Chad, the triptych « armed forces, security and rebellion » is inextricably linked, so much it mixes armed players that dominated the scene since the independence in 1960. The interlacing of interests and fights also led to the involvement of external players, making Chad an enduring challenge for France, Libya, United-States and many others. Those countries, along with local players, participated to this historical sequence, 1969-1990, dominated by the apparition of the FROLINAT’ rebellion, that will finally seize power and generate a civil war followed by a liberation war of the Northern provinces. Thus France will commit itself in Chad in 1969, in its first real African war since the independence of Algeria, and by then will remain actress of Chad’s destiny whatever the political system is, from Tombalbaye to Hissène Habré’s reign. France will try to keep its autonomous situation awareness and collect intelligence on the Chadian rebel groups, the Jamariyya, or even its own allies, in order to provide to the political and military decision-makers some keys for understanding and acting. In this new type of warfare, unknown by the French population, intelligence and special actions manage to be fundamental weapons at the core of operational commitment, sensors evolutions, and interagency tensions between the SDECE/DGSE and the other intelligence services. Because France wants to keep its rank in Africa, especially in the Sahelian strip, challenged by the United-States, defying Libya and hampered by the Soviet Union; because it is deeply committed in the internal affairs of Chad, sometimes too deeply; and finally because its adversaries do compel it to an everlasting adaptation of its posture and military capabilities, France will make Chad its focal point in Africa, the laboratory of its future deployments, at the edge between legacy and legitimacy, between conventional and special actions, between raison d’Etat and diplomacy.

ABSTRACT: This thesis tries to understand and explain the problems facing African international organizations in peacekeeping operations. The focus is on the case of the intervention by the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) in Ivory Coast. The analysis will also discuss, in order to permit comparative analysis, the intervention of this same organization in Liberia, Sierra Leone and Guinea Bissau. This case study in comparative perspective can help to mitigate the disadvantage of a case study, whose main weakness is the problem of generalization from the results of one case. The literature in International Relations and peacekeeping operations is used to develop some hypotheses that we will try to test in this dissertation, specifically: the internal difficulties of international organizations; the problems of lessons learned in terms of peacekeeping operations; the balance of power between and the pursuit of the national interest by members states of the organization; the key role of international and foreign actors, such as former colonial masters, in the peace process; and finally, the problem of coordination between different actors. To answer to the research question, the dissertation will be written in the form of a story with different concentric circles. First, for the internal international organizations difficulties, we will use the functionalist approach which is one of the best theorizations of this issue. However, these internal obstacles are only the tip of the iceberg of the problem because behind the organization we have conflicts of interest between different member states and the intervention of former colonial masters that realists and the neo-marxists would anticipate. Nevertheless, these tend to emphasize more on states. As a consequence, they cannot help us to solve the huge issue of coordination between different actors. To respond to this problem, we turn to the model of multi-level governance and demonstrate its value in analysing this case. For the case of Ivory Coast, Liberia and Sierra Leone, we will use both primary and secondary literatures. However, for the case of Guinea Bissau, we will use only secondary literature. RESUME: Cette thèse vise à comprendre et à expliquer les difficultés des organisations internationales africaines dans le domaine du maintien de la paix. La question est étudiée par le moyen d’une étude de cas mais dans une perspective comparative. Car elle permet d’atténuer l’inconvénient majeur de l’étude de cas qui est la question de la généralisation. En effet, nous analyserons les difficultés de la communauté économique des États d’Afrique de l’Ouest (CEDEAO) dans la gestion de la crise ivoirienne en utilisant les interventions de cette même organisation au Libéria, en Sierra Leone et en Guinée Bissau pour la comparaison à des fins d’apprentissages. La littérature en Relations internationales et sur le maintien de la paix nous a suggéré les hypothèses suivantes que nous testerons : les difficultés intrinsèques des organisations internationales; les difficultés d’apprentissage de ces mêmes organisations dans le domaine du maintien de la paix; les jeux de puissances et d’intérêt entre États membres de l’organisation internationale; la confiscation incomplète des relations internationales ouest africaines par des acteurs, des enjeux et des intérêts étrangers; enfin, il y a la difficulté de la coordination des actions entre les différents acteurs impliqués dans les processus de résolution des crises. Nous répondrons à la question de recherche en forme de récit avec des cercles concentriques. D’abord pour aborder les difficultés intrinsèques, nous convoquerons les fonctionnalistes qui ont théorisé le mieux la question des organisations internationales. Mais, on s’est vite rendu compte que ces difficultés n’étaient que la face visible de l’iceberg et que derrière l’organisation se cachent des jeux de puissances et d’intérêt, mais aussi l’ingérence des anciennes puissances coloniales que les réalistes et les néo-marxistes avaient prévues. Mais ces derniers mettent surtout l’emphase sur l’État. Ce qui ne permet pas de résoudre la lancinante question de la pluralité des acteurs, des conflits de logiques et de l’articulation des efforts des différents intervenants que l’approche de la gouvernance à paliers multiples permet de prévoir. Pour la Côte d’Ivoire, le Libéria et la Sierra Leone nous utiliserons à la fois de la littérature primaire et secondaire. Mais pour la Guinée Bissau, nous nous appuierons uniquement sur de la littérature secondaire.

ABSTRACT: This thesis tries to understand and explain the problems facing African international organizations in peacekeeping operations. The focus is on the case of the intervention by the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) in Ivory Coast. The analysis will also discuss, in order to permit comparative analysis, the intervention of this same organization in Liberia, Sierra Leone and Guinea Bissau. This case study in comparative perspective can help to mitigate the disadvantage of a case study, whose main weakness is the problem of generalization from the results of one case. The literature in International Relations and peacekeeping operations is used to develop some hypotheses that we will try to test in this dissertation, specifically: the internal difficulties of international organizations; the problems of lessons learned in terms of peacekeeping operations; the balance of power between and the pursuit of the national interest by members states of the organization; the key role of international and foreign actors, such as former colonial masters, in the peace process; and finally, the problem of coordination between different actors. To answer to the research question, the dissertation will be written in the form of a story with different concentric circles. First, for the internal international organizations difficulties, we will use the functionalist approach which is one of the best theorizations of this issue. However, these internal obstacles are only the tip of the iceberg of the problem because behind the organization we have conflicts of interest between different member states and the intervention of former colonial masters that realists and the neo-marxists would anticipate. Nevertheless, these tend to emphasize more on states. As a consequence, they cannot help us to solve the huge issue of coordination between different actors. To respond to this problem, we turn to the model of multi-level governance and demonstrate its value in analysing this case. For the case of Ivory Coast, Liberia and Sierra Leone, we will use both primary and secondary literatures. However, for the case of Guinea Bissau, we will use only secondary literature. RESUME: Cette thèse vise à comprendre et à expliquer les difficultés des organisations internationales africaines dans le domaine du maintien de la paix. La question est étudiée par le moyen d’une étude de cas mais dans une perspective comparative. Car elle permet d’atténuer l’inconvénient majeur de l’étude de cas qui est la question de la généralisation. En effet, nous analyserons les difficultés de la communauté économique des États d’Afrique de l’Ouest (CEDEAO) dans la gestion de la crise ivoirienne en utilisant les interventions de cette même organisation au Libéria, en Sierra Leone et en Guinée Bissau pour la comparaison à des fins d’apprentissages. La littérature en Relations internationales et sur le maintien de la paix nous a suggéré les hypothèses suivantes que nous testerons : les difficultés intrinsèques des organisations internationales; les difficultés d’apprentissage de ces mêmes organisations dans le domaine du maintien de la paix; les jeux de puissances et d’intérêt entre États membres de l’organisation internationale; la confiscation incomplète des relations internationales ouest africaines par des acteurs, des enjeux et des intérêts étrangers; enfin, il y a la difficulté de la coordination des actions entre les différents acteurs impliqués dans les processus de résolution des crises. Nous répondrons à la question de recherche en forme de récit avec des cercles concentriques. D’abord pour aborder les difficultés intrinsèques, nous convoquerons les fonctionnalistes qui ont théorisé le mieux la question des organisations internationales. Mais, on s’est vite rendu compte que ces difficultés n’étaient que la face visible de l’iceberg et que derrière l’organisation se cachent des jeux de puissances et d’intérêt, mais aussi l’ingérence des anciennes puissances coloniales que les réalistes et les néo-marxistes avaient prévues. Mais ces derniers mettent surtout l’emphase sur l’État. Ce qui ne permet pas de résoudre la lancinante question de la pluralité des acteurs, des conflits de logiques et de l’articulation des efforts des différents intervenants que l’approche de la gouvernance à paliers multiples permet de prévoir. Pour la Côte d’Ivoire, le Libéria et la Sierra Leone nous utiliserons à la fois de la littérature primaire et secondaire. Mais pour la Guinée Bissau, nous nous appuierons uniquement sur de la littérature secondaire.

ABSTRACT: This thesis tries to understand and explain the problems facing African international organizations in peacekeeping operations. The focus is on the case of the intervention by the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) in Ivory Coast. The analysis will also discuss, in order to permit comparative analysis, the intervention of this same organization in Liberia, Sierra Leone and Guinea Bissau. This case study in comparative perspective can help to mitigate the disadvantage of a case study, whose main weakness is the problem of generalization from the results of one case. The literature in International Relations and peacekeeping operations is used to develop some hypotheses that we will try to test in this dissertation, specifically: the internal difficulties of international organizations; the problems of lessons learned in terms of peacekeeping operations; the balance of power between and the pursuit of the national interest by members states of the organization; the key role of international and foreign actors, such as former colonial masters, in the peace process; and finally, the problem of coordination between different actors. To answer to the research question, the dissertation will be written in the form of a story with different concentric circles. First, for the internal international organizations difficulties, we will use the functionalist approach which is one of the best theorizations of this issue. However, these internal obstacles are only the tip of the iceberg of the problem because behind the organization we have conflicts of interest between different member states and the intervention of former colonial masters that realists and the neo-marxists would anticipate. Nevertheless, these tend to emphasize more on states. As a consequence, they cannot help us to solve the huge issue of coordination between different actors. To respond to this problem, we turn to the model of multi-level governance and demonstrate its value in analysing this case. For the case of Ivory Coast, Liberia and Sierra Leone, we will use both primary and secondary literatures. However, for the case of Guinea Bissau, we will use only secondary literature. RESUME: Cette thèse vise à comprendre et à expliquer les difficultés des organisations internationales africaines dans le domaine du maintien de la paix. La question est étudiée par le moyen d’une étude de cas mais dans une perspective comparative. Car elle permet d’atténuer l’inconvénient majeur de l’étude de cas qui est la question de la généralisation. En effet, nous analyserons les difficultés de la communauté économique des États d’Afrique de l’Ouest (CEDEAO) dans la gestion de la crise ivoirienne en utilisant les interventions de cette même organisation au Libéria, en Sierra Leone et en Guinée Bissau pour la comparaison à des fins d’apprentissages. La littérature en Relations internationales et sur le maintien de la paix nous a suggéré les hypothèses suivantes que nous testerons : les difficultés intrinsèques des organisations internationales; les difficultés d’apprentissage de ces mêmes organisations dans le domaine du maintien de la paix; les jeux de puissances et d’intérêt entre États membres de l’organisation internationale; la confiscation incomplète des relations internationales ouest africaines par des acteurs, des enjeux et des intérêts étrangers; enfin, il y a la difficulté de la coordination des actions entre les différents acteurs impliqués dans les processus de résolution des crises. Nous répondrons à la question de recherche en forme de récit avec des cercles concentriques. D’abord pour aborder les difficultés intrinsèques, nous convoquerons les fonctionnalistes qui ont théorisé le mieux la question des organisations internationales. Mais, on s’est vite rendu compte que ces difficultés n’étaient que la face visible de l’iceberg et que derrière l’organisation se cachent des jeux de puissances et d’intérêt, mais aussi l’ingérence des anciennes puissances coloniales que les réalistes et les néo-marxistes avaient prévues. Mais ces derniers mettent surtout l’emphase sur l’État. Ce qui ne permet pas de résoudre la lancinante question de la pluralité des acteurs, des conflits de logiques et de l’articulation des efforts des différents intervenants que l’approche de la gouvernance à paliers multiples permet de prévoir. Pour la Côte d’Ivoire, le Libéria et la Sierra Leone nous utiliserons à la fois de la littérature primaire et secondaire. Mais pour la Guinée Bissau, nous nous appuierons uniquement sur de la littérature secondaire.

ABSTRACT: This thesis tries to understand and explain the problems facing African international organizations in peacekeeping operations. The focus is on the case of the intervention by the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) in Ivory Coast. The analysis will also discuss, in order to permit comparative analysis, the intervention of this same organization in Liberia, Sierra Leone and Guinea Bissau. This case study in comparative perspective can help to mitigate the disadvantage of a case study, whose main weakness is the problem of generalization from the results of one case. The literature in International Relations and peacekeeping operations is used to develop some hypotheses that we will try to test in this dissertation, specifically: the internal difficulties of international organizations; the problems of lessons learned in terms of peacekeeping operations; the balance of power between and the pursuit of the national interest by members states of the organization; the key role of international and foreign actors, such as former colonial masters, in the peace process; and finally, the problem of coordination between different actors. To answer to the research question, the dissertation will be written in the form of a story with different concentric circles. First, for the internal international organizations difficulties, we will use the functionalist approach which is one of the best theorizations of this issue. However, these internal obstacles are only the tip of the iceberg of the problem because behind the organization we have conflicts of interest between different member states and the intervention of former colonial masters that realists and the neo-marxists would anticipate. Nevertheless, these tend to emphasize more on states. As a consequence, they cannot help us to solve the huge issue of coordination between different actors. To respond to this problem, we turn to the model of multi-level governance and demonstrate its value in analysing this case. For the case of Ivory Coast, Liberia and Sierra Leone, we will use both primary and secondary literatures. However, for the case of Guinea Bissau, we will use only secondary literature. RESUME: Cette thèse vise à comprendre et à expliquer les difficultés des organisations internationales africaines dans le domaine du maintien de la paix. La question est étudiée par le moyen d’une étude de cas mais dans une perspective comparative. Car elle permet d’atténuer l’inconvénient majeur de l’étude de cas qui est la question de la généralisation. En effet, nous analyserons les difficultés de la communauté économique des États d’Afrique de l’Ouest (CEDEAO) dans la gestion de la crise ivoirienne en utilisant les interventions de cette même organisation au Libéria, en Sierra Leone et en Guinée Bissau pour la comparaison à des fins d’apprentissages. La littérature en Relations internationales et sur le maintien de la paix nous a suggéré les hypothèses suivantes que nous testerons : les difficultés intrinsèques des organisations internationales; les difficultés d’apprentissage de ces mêmes organisations dans le domaine du maintien de la paix; les jeux de puissances et d’intérêt entre États membres de l’organisation internationale; la confiscation incomplète des relations internationales ouest africaines par des acteurs, des enjeux et des intérêts étrangers; enfin, il y a la difficulté de la coordination des actions entre les différents acteurs impliqués dans les processus de résolution des crises. Nous répondrons à la question de recherche en forme de récit avec des cercles concentriques. D’abord pour aborder les difficultés intrinsèques, nous convoquerons les fonctionnalistes qui ont théorisé le mieux la question des organisations internationales. Mais, on s’est vite rendu compte que ces difficultés n’étaient que la face visible de l’iceberg et que derrière l’organisation se cachent des jeux de puissances et d’intérêt, mais aussi l’ingérence des anciennes puissances coloniales que les réalistes et les néo-marxistes avaient prévues. Mais ces derniers mettent surtout l’emphase sur l’État. Ce qui ne permet pas de résoudre la lancinante question de la pluralité des acteurs, des conflits de logiques et de l’articulation des efforts des différents intervenants que l’approche de la gouvernance à paliers multiples permet de prévoir. Pour la Côte d’Ivoire, le Libéria et la Sierra Leone nous utiliserons à la fois de la littérature primaire et secondaire. Mais pour la Guinée Bissau, nous nous appuierons uniquement sur de la littérature secondaire.