The article explores the potential of a Polanyian analysis for overcoming the current Manichean opposition between cosmopolitan globalizers and reactionary nationalists. For long, Karl Polanyi has inspired socio-economic thinking in different ways. First, his reflections on the end of the first period of globalization in the 1930s offer insights for analysing the current political-economic situation. Furthermore, Polanyi contributes to an institutional analysis and utopian thinking towards a civilization for all. His approach enables a combination of a critique of current neoliberal globalization as a renewed version of the "liberal Utopia" with a cultural and ecological critique of capitalism as a mode of production and living. In this respect, Karl Polanyi may be contrasted to Friedrich Hayek, both contemporaries of Red Vienna, an ambitious project of local socialism as a step towards a "good life for all". The social and cultural struggles in Vienna during the 1920s and 1930s offer insights for current confrontations worldwide, but especially in Brazil where the reformist attempts of civilizing capitalism where confronted with severe opposition. Instead of the false polarization between globalization and nationalism, policies "for the select few" are opposed to policies "for all". Finally, Polanyi's reflections will be used to shed light onto the current impasse resulting from the illegitimate deposition of president Dilma Rousseff.

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This thesis focuses on the architectural production of Red Vienna in 1920s to examine the bourgeois conception of social housing program in a governmental socialist understanding of housing. Having a structural transformation through the First World War, Vienna became the enclave of Socialist Democrat Party and thereafter underwent radical housing and cultural transformative programs. Within these programs, it was intended to give the working-class the accurate social position by means of provided accessibility to their own private and public spheres. Among a wide range of housing examples built during the governance of the party, Karl Marx Hof, one of the largest projects, has been chosen to examine the reflections of bourgeois conception of culture. Based on the contradictory discourse and practices in political, architectural and cultural realms, the aim of the research is to redefine the privacy of the dwellings and the public qualities of the common spaces and thereafter to situate the proletarian housing in relation to bourgeois spatial values within the history of domestic space in Vienna.

To wield direct influence on the everyday lives of citizens, new political elites have often professed a profound interest in shaping the politics of dwelling. In the 1920s, Vienna’s Social Democrats built 400 communal housing blocks equipped with public gardens, theaters, libraries, kindergartens, and sports facilities, hoping that these facilities would serve as loci for “growing into socialism”. In the 1950s, housing construction in Berlin became a site of the Cold War. East Berlin’s social realist “workers palaces” on Stalinallee were meant to serve as an ideal flourishing ground for the “new socialist men and women”. In contrast, West Berlin's modernist Hansa-Viertel was designed to showcase an ideal dwelling culture and an urban environment that would cultivate individuality. This dissertation examines three historically situated and ideologically distinct responses to the housing question: social democracy in Red Vienna, state socialism in East Berlin, and liberal capitalism in West Berlin. It illuminates how political promises of a radical new beginning were translated into spatial arrangements—the private scale of the apartment and the urban scale of the city—as well as how citizens appropriated the social, political, and economic norms inherent to the new spaces they inhabited. More specifically, the following analyses demonstrate the fact that inherited social, technological, and economic practices have often subverted political visions of a radically different future. This was the case with pedagogy in Red Vienna’s municipal housing, instrumental reason in the form of Taylorism and Fordism in East and West Berlin’s mass housing, and gender relations in Red Vienna’s and East Berlin’s politics of dwelling. At the same time, this dissertation examines counter-spaces that emerged from the dialectics between political promises and actual socio-spatial realities, counter-spaces that both reflect critically on past hegemonic “politics of dwelling” and that foreshadow alternative political imaginations that are still relevant today. Of particular interest are counter-hegemonic practices of dwelling that embody possibilities of emancipation—of experiencing oneself as subject instead of object of social transformation, justice—of emphasizing considerations of equality and recognition, and radical democracy—of questioning power relations and of forming alliances among disadvantaged groups to transform everyday life.

To wield direct influence on the everyday lives of citizens, new political elites have often professed a profound interest in shaping the politics of dwelling. In the 1920s, Vienna’s Social Democrats built 400 communal housing blocks equipped with public gardens, theaters, libraries, kindergartens, and sports facilities, hoping that these facilities would serve as loci for “growing into socialism”. In the 1950s, housing construction in Berlin became a site of the Cold War. East Berlin’s social realist “workers palaces” on Stalinallee were meant to serve as an ideal flourishing ground for the “new socialist men and women”. In contrast, West Berlin's modernist Hansa-Viertel was designed to showcase an ideal dwelling culture and an urban environment that would cultivate individuality. This dissertation examines three historically situated and ideologically distinct responses to the housing question: social democracy in Red Vienna, state socialism in East Berlin, and liberal capitalism in West Berlin. It illuminates how political promises of a radical new beginning were translated into spatial arrangements—the private scale of the apartment and the urban scale of the city—as well as how citizens appropriated the social, political, and economic norms inherent to the new spaces they inhabited. More specifically, the following analyses demonstrate the fact that inherited social, technological, and economic practices have often subverted political visions of a radically different future. This was the case with pedagogy in Red Vienna’s municipal housing, instrumental reason in the form of Taylorism and Fordism in East and West Berlin’s mass housing, and gender relations in Red Vienna’s and East Berlin’s politics of dwelling. At the same time, this dissertation examines counter-spaces that emerged from the dialectics between political promises and actual socio-spatial realities, counter-spaces that both reflect critically on past hegemonic “politics of dwelling” and that foreshadow alternative political imaginations that are still relevant today. Of particular interest are counter-hegemonic practices of dwelling that embody possibilities of emancipation—of experiencing oneself as subject instead of object of social transformation, justice—of emphasizing considerations of equality and recognition, and radical democracy—of questioning power relations and of forming alliances among disadvantaged groups to transform everyday life.

Cette thèse présente l’ingénierie sociale de l’économiste, sociologue et philosophe autrichien Otto Neurath (1882-1945). Une première partie s’intéresse aux aspects biographiques qui éclairent sa volonté d’une intervention ciblée et planifiée dans l’ordre social. La technique de l’histoire conceptuelle permet ensuite de mettre à jours les représentations mentales à l’œuvre dans l’ingénierie sociale : le topos de la « modernité » – avec une nouvelle conception de la société, du temps et du rôle potentiel de la société civile – suggère la possible gestion du groupe social selon les principes d’une rationalisation de la vie. La Gesellschaftstechnik de Neurath est enfin reconstruite par la méthode de l’histoire intellectuelle, qui révèle l’importance du contexte viennois, des dynamiques à l’œuvre dans la Révolution de Novembre et des questionnements économiques du moment dans l’élaboration de sa pensée et de son eudémonisme social. / This thesis presents the social engineering as devised by Otto Neurath (1882-1945), an Austrian economist, sociologist, and philosopher. The introductory first part highlights certain issues of his biography which turned out significant in his subsequent idea of the necessity of a targeted and planned intervention in the social order. In part two, the technique of conceptual history reveals the mental representations at work in social engineering : the topos of "modernity" – built on a new concept of society, of time, and of the potential role of civil society – suggests the feasibility of managing a social group according to principles of rationalization of life.Neurath’s Gesellschaftstechnik is then reconstructed by the method of intellectual history, which shows the Viennese context, the dynamics involved in the 1918-19 German Revolution, and the economic concerns of the time as being essential for the development of his thought and his programme of social eudaimonism.