In view of globalization, technology and the influence of the technological progress in transportation, after the opening of the high-speed railway in 2007, the distance from north to south becomes much shorter, thereby pushing through the formation of the one-day living circle. What¡¦s more, due to the development of the metropolitan areas, the gap between urban and rural areas is shortened. Therefore, the primary mission for Taiwan¡¦s administration in the future should be not only to rethink the distribution of the current 23 counties and 358 township cities, but to figure out the appropriate adjustments. With more than 50 years of H.R.(Home Rule) in Taiwan, the relationship between the central government and local ones has been inconsistent. Local governments actively seek to build the major public constructions, such as setting up the Science Park, ports, airports, one characteristic for one town¡Kand so on. However, these phenomena lead to the reduplication of administrative resources, the unequal distribution of social resources, the excessive personnel costs caused by the operation of the system, and the heavy financial burden to local governments. Hence, we must rethink how the regions should be redrawn in coordination with such ways as national land planning, city planning or establishment of divisional laws for administrative regions. This policy-making process not only involves political, administrative, social, legal, and economic dimensions, but also attracts many politicians¡¦ attention. Only through the theories and practice will the sustainable development of Taiwan's system be established. As a result of the necessities and urgency for the redistribution of the administrative regions, this paper, in conclusion, takes the viewpoint of land-planning framework and network , as well as proposes to use the idea of regional government to help all counties solve cross-border governance issues. Furthermore, owing to highly political attention, the issue for the adjustment of administrative division may be settled by civic awareness, promotion of civic accomplishments, or even a referendum in the end.

This study aims to research the Swedish municipality's political implementation of sustainable development and if the implementation can be considered weakly or strongly sustainable. The study also researches what effects resilience has on that outcome. To achieve this aim, the study has chosen to use a quantitative case study together with a content analysis method applied on Karlskrona's overview plan for 2050. The study has chosen to use international and national authorities' definitions of sustainability and resilience for its theory. Theories about strong and weak sustainable development defined by Stig Montin and Mikael Granberg were also used to form the studies theory. The case study was made by analyzing frequencies of paragraphs containing aspects of resilience or of sustainability. Both groups were divided into subgroups defined as economic, ecological and social dimensions respectively. The result of this case study was that aspects of resilience appear a lot less than aspects of sustainability but that an inclusion of resilience is paramount for the overview plan to be considered strongly sustainable. This appeared as a result when aspects of resilience were removed it created an imbalance between the dimensions of  sustainability which caused the plan to be considered weakly sustainable.

At its heart, homeland security is a challenge of coordination;(Kettl 2003; Kettl 2004; Waugh and Tierney 2007) however, coordination is an ambiguous term that is difficult to define or measure (Selznick 1984). To build a coordinated homeland security system, the federal government has introduced a number of policy changes including introduction of the Urban Area Security Area Initiative (UASI). (DHS, 2007) Given that over 80% of the nation's population lives in metropolitan urban regions, (Bureau 2008) homeland security threat, risk, and funding is weighed heavily towards protecting these areas. UASI provides funding to high risk/high population urban areas and is designed to build coordinated regional metropolitan homeland security systems. To meet UASI funding requirements, the nation's largest and most vulnerable metropolitan areas have formed regional homeland security networks. While the National Capital Region (NCR) UASI is representative of the challenges other areas face, the nature of metropolitan regionalism and distilled federalism creates complexity few other homeland security networks face. Policy and service delivery co-exist at the operational/technical levels of the sub-network and better understanding how agencies, functions, and nodes coordinate is important to shaping future homeland security policies. This research studies how one functional node of the regional metropolitan homeland security network, the NCR fire service, coordinates its UASI funding requests throughout the Fiscal Year (FY) 2008 grant cycle. Examining the historical context of regional coordination and formal structures and informal elements the research identified nine characteristics of coordination as it is practiced at the operational/technical level of the network. These characteristics include elements such as standardized national policy direction, leadership, organizational commitment, trusted relationships, shared purpose, political support, time, balance of formal and informal elements, and balance between operational and administrative responsibilities. The research builds on Kettl's concept of contingent coordination by describing how the practice of coordination occurs within the homeland security network and begins to expand our understanding of how we organize, integrate, and coordinate a national model. The research also provides important insight into the translation of policy to operations by describing how technical subject matter experts coordinate both operationally and administratively within the homeland security network. / Ph. D.

<p> The focus of this study is the impact of Ontario's regional government schemes on the small town of Pelham where the writer lived as a participant-observer for two years. The argument is made that, while some benefits have been achieved in the provision of certain services, regional government is more of a failure than a success. Pelhamites have found that the new local and regional governments are quite antithetical to what they knew and valued in local politics. Consequently, as a group, these citizens are more antagonistic to their government than they remembered having been prior to the structural reform. This antagonism is felt more intensely among the traditionalists living in the rural areas than among the newly arrived village commuters. The departure from the past is symbolized by planning, a policy framework significantly different from the political style of the old councils. The conflict between local citizens and the new organizations is best illustrated by two public decisions, the implementation of land planning and the closure of schools. These two policies are examined in detail to point out the difficulties that have arisen because of provincial efforts to reform local government institutions without taking into account community values. It is apparent that Pelhamites are not satisfied that the new governments are concerned about their town nor are they confident of their own ability to influence major policy outcomes. The most damaging impact is that it is widely accepted in the town that provincial authorities have not created new communities as promised but have destroyed what community had existed for the people of Pelham.</p> / Thesis / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

In “Money Talks: Turkey, The Kurdish Regional Government, and the Shaping of a Future Kurdish State”, I aim to explore the puzzle of why Turkey is establishing economic and diplomatic relations with the Kurdish Regional Government (KRG) considering its violent conflict with its Kurdish population. I was able to solve this puzzle by collecting and analyzing various works of literature surrounding Turkish foreign policy towards the KRG. Through my research, I learned about the complex and nuanced partnership between the Kurdish Regional Government (KRG) and Ankara, and the potential effect this partnership will have on Kurdish statehood. This issue is important because it highlights a controversial debate surrounding minority groups’ right to statehood in the Middle East and points to shifting economic and political dynamics in the Middle East.

The thesis deals with the scope of the local government bodies in the field of social services. The work focuses not only the legal regulations, but also their genesis and the methods of financing. For better understanding the providing of social services is described od the examples of town Sokolov and Karlovarsky's district. The main sources of information was the analysis of relevant literature, legal regulations, statistical yearbooks and free materials of the town Sokolov and Karlovarsky's district.

There have been numerous proposals to reform Australia's government structures, both prior to and since Federation in 1901, including calls for New Colonies and New States, Unification plans, Regional Government models spanning across the federal-unitary continuum, and proposals to transfer functions between Commonwealth and State governments, such as the modern day attempts by the Commonwealth government to establish a national Industrial Relations system. But while several functions have been transferred from the States to the Commonwealth since Federation, major changes sought by supporters of New States, Regional Governments and Unification have never been achieved. The financial benefits possible through various reformed government structures are first examined in terms of claims and estimates that have accompanied past reform proposals. Financial benefits are then estimated for the four years from 1998-99 to 2001-02 using population and expenditure data, per capita expenditure comparisons, and various linear and non-linear regression techniques. New States appear likely to cost in the order of $1 billion per annum per New State, and possibly more if costs associated with State-Territory borders are taken into account, but their financial viability could be vastly improved if New State formation follows or is accompanied by functional transfers to achieve national systems in areas such as health and education. It is estimated that Unification and some Regional Government models could achieve financial benefits in the order of five to ten per cent in both public and private sectors and the economy as a whole, which, in June 2002 dollar terms, would amount to some $15 billion to $30 billion per annum in the public sector, $25 billion to $50 billion in the private sector, and hence $40 billion to $80 billion per annum across both public and private sectors and the entire Australian economy. It is also estimated that for several functions, including education and health, unitary national systems under Commonwealth control could generate significant financial benefits, whereas for other functions, notably transport and communications, national systems could prove more costly. Additional research could clarify estimates, but ultimately the only way to fully check estimates is to observe and measure actual reforms in action. If all State-Territory level health care functions, for example, were transferred to the Commonwealth government to achieve a fully national health system, then the benefits and costs of such reform could be assessed with much more certainty than is possible through pre-reform empirical estimates. The establishment of a national health system could also diminish concerns that New States or Regional Governments might exacerbate problems associated with separate State laws, regulations and systems - problems likely to be tolerated least in health care given its life-and-death gravity. And for Unification advocates, a national health system would represent a significant step towards complete Unification across all functions. Estimates appear to be robust when assessed in light of Commonwealth Grants Commission methodologies, differential levels of tax expenditures and privatisation across the current States and Territories, and Australia's economic and industrial geography, and on balance suggest that intelligent government structure reforms have the potential to significantly enhance Australia's financial and economic strength, and hence provide the financial capacity to achieve significantly improved social and environmental outcomes as well.

In the absence of a continued military presence in Iraq, the United States must use alternative means to achieve its foreign policy goals. Stated goals include maintaining influence, increasing stability in Iraq, Iran, and the Arabian Peninsula, and ensuring Iraq's territorial integrity. This paper suggests leveraging the power of American oil and gas firms operating in Iraqi Kurdistan given the relative ineffectiveness of the embassy in Baghdad and the hostility many Iraqis exhibit toward American diplomats. It first outlines American policy toward Iraqi Kurdistan from the end of the Gulf War to the present. Next it provides a brief overview of the current state of affairs in Iraqi politics and Iraq's oil and gas industry. Then the paper describes four specific ways in which supporting American oil and gas firms in Iraqi Kurdistan can help the United States achieve its foreign policy goals. First, it can check undue Shi'a centralization of power and keep Iraq from drifting too far into the Iranian sphere. Second, it can strengthen the Kurdish bargaining position with Baghdad and push Iraq toward resolving the status of Kirkuk and enacting a comprehensive hydrocarbons law. Third, oil and gas extraction through profit sharing contracts (PSCs) rather than technical services agreements (TSAs) would promote foreign direct investment and spur economic growth. Finally, private sector oil and gas companies could be a critical component in maintaining American influence with the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) and the Government of Iraq (GOI) through their strong local ties. The last chapter is devoted to policy prescriptions for achieving the aforementioned goals.

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The first part of the dissertation presents an analysis of theoretical aspects of the influence of social capital and civil society on the effectiveness of the regional government. This part analyses a conception of the effectiveness in public administration; formulates a notion of the effectiveness of the regional government and identifies the criteria of the effectiveness of the regional government in implementing the regional policy. This part analyses the conceptions of social capital and civil society; evaluates the influence of social capital and civil society on the effectiveness of the regional government. The second part of the dissertation presents an analysis of the political, legal, institutional, functional aspects of the regional government and evaluation of the prerequisites for the formation of social capital and participation of civil society in the national and the EU context. The third part of the dissertation presents the description of the methodology of the research, an analysis of the results of the empirical research of the influence of social capital and civil society on the effectiveness of the regional government in implementing the regional policy in Lithuania. Dissertation closes with conclusions and proposals, a bibliography, a list of publications published by the author and annexes. / Pirmoje disertacijos dalyje analizuojami socialinio kapitalo ir pilietinės visuomenės poveikio regioninio valdymo veiksmingumui teoriniai aspektai. Šioje dalyje nagrinėjama veiksmingumo viešajame sektoriuje koncepcija, formuluojama regioninio valdymo veiksmingumo samprata, identifikuojami regioninio valdymo veiksmingumo įgyvendinant regioninę politiką kriterijai. Šioje dalyje atliekama socialinio kapitalo ir pilietinės visuomenės koncepcijų analizė, nagrinėjamas socialinio kapitalo ir pilietinės visuomenės poveikis regioninio valdymo veiksmingumui. Antroje disertacijos dalyje analizuojami regioninio valdymo veiksmingumo politiniai, teisiniai, instituciniai ir funkciniai aspektai, nagrinėjamos prielaidos socialinio kapitalo ir pilietinės visuomenės formavimui regioniniame valdyme nacionaliniame ir Europos Sąjungos kontekste. Trečioje disertacijos dalyje aprašoma tyrimo metodika, analizuojami socialinio kapitalo ir pilietinės visuomenės poveikio regioninio valdymo veiksmingumui įgyvendinant regioninę politiką Lietuvoje empirinio tyrimo rezultatai. Disertaciją užbaigia tyrimo rezultatų aptarimas, išvados ir siūlymai. Disertacijos pabaigoje pateikiamas naudotos literatūros sąrašas, autorės mokslinių publikacijų sąrašas ir priedai.