Du Roland furieux de l’Arioste (1516-1532) au Songe de Kepler (1634), cette thèse propose une étude des récits de voyages aériens dans la fiction narrative de la Renaissance (romans, poèmes épiques, satires) ainsi que des discours théoriques abordant la question du vol et de l’élévation (démonologie, cosmographie, astronomie, discours sur la possibilité du vol humain ou le vol des oiseaux, etc.). Trois principaux objets sont mis en valeur : les voyages célestes écrits dans la lignée de récits comme le Songe de Scipion de Cicéron ou l’Icaroménippe de Lucien de Samosate ; les voyages aériens de la fiction chevaleresque ; le motif du transport diabolique. L’étude montre ainsi l’importance prise par l’imaginaire du vol à la Renaissance, à la croisée de la fiction et des discours savants, et dessine une « pré-histoire » des fictions d’envol avant les récits de Godwin (The Man in the Moone, 1638) et de Cyrano de Bergerac (Etats et Empires de la Lune et du Soleil, 1657 et 1662). Au cœur de cette rêverie se loge tout à la fois le désir de prendre la mesure du monde et les inquiétudes suscitées par ce même désir. / From Ariosto’s Orlando furioso (1516-1532) to Kepler’s Somnium (1634), this thesis offers a study of aerial and celestial voyages in Renaissance narrative fiction (romances, epic poems, satires) as well as of learned treatises related to the question of flying (demonology, cosmography, astronomy, learned discourses on human and bird flight, etc.). It focuses on three main subjects: cosmic voyages in the tradition of Cicero’s Dream of Scipio or Lucian of Samosata’s Icaromenippus; aerial voyages in chivalric romance; diabolical transvection (eg. fly to the sabbath). It thus shows the extent to which flight captured the Renaissance imagination, at the cross-roads between fiction and learned discourse, and it traces a « pre-history » of fictional flying before Godwin’s Man in the Moone (1638) or Cyrano de Bergerac’s Etats et Empires de la Lune et du Soleil (1657 and 1662). At the heart of this fantasy lies a desire to measure the world from above – together with the anxieties produced by the same desire.

The landscape in Venetian Renaissance painting makes its first important appearance in the Sketch-books of Jacopo Bellini. These landscapes depend little on the observation of nature. They are not drawings done from life, but imaginary landscapes which show that Jacopo was far more interested in creating form and space than in giving the landscape a particular mood. The landscapes of Giovanni Bellini are far more dependent on the observation of natural phenomena than those of Jacopo. Giovanni's landscapes usually depict the undulating and broken topography of the Veneto, but he did not paint particular views of this area. There is always much evidence of man's activity in Giovanni's landscapes. In these paintings the human figures are sometimes small, but never insignificant. The relationship of figures to the landscape is of great importance to the formal design, the emotional appeal and the spiritual significance of the whole. The dominant mood of Giovanni Bellini's landscapes is that of quiet religosity. From whom Giovanni learnt the use of the oil technique could not be accurately determined, but the fact that he did adopt the oil medium was of great importance to the development of Venetian landscape painting, as it enabled painters to capture the subtleties of light, colour and texture in their paintings. The landscapes of Giorgione are dependent upon the technical achievements of Giovanni Bellini, but while Bellini's landscapes are predominantly religious in character, those of Giorgione were closely connected with the new humanist culture of early sixteenth century Venice. Giorgione sought a direct and sensuous portrayal of man and nature in gentle and harmonious union. His landscapes appear to be physically softer than those of Bellini and he devoted greater attention to atmosphere. The forms in a Giorgione landscape are less precisely defined than those of a Bellini work, and contours are often blurred as Giorgione was concerned with painting a general visual impression. Nature in a Giorgione landscape is tamed and ordered, but seldom cultivated as his landscapes are primarily Arcadian. Despite the fact that Titian came from a mountainous region, his early landscapes are not mountainous but Giorgionesque. While Titian's early frescoes in Padua show a more active and dramatic relationship between man and nature, than was shown by either Giovanni Bellini or Giorgione, they are unlike his other early landscapes. After Giorgione's death Titian painted many bucolic landscapes in the manner of Giorgione. With the mythological paintings done for Alfonso, Duke of Ferrara, Titian's forms become more plastic and assertive, and his landscapes more joyous and Pandean in mood. While Titian made less use of landforms as a compositional device, he exploited clouds and foliage to a far greater degree. His use of foliage as a means of expression, to amplify and intensify the human action of the painting, reached its fullest development in the Murder of St. Peter Martyr. Titian's mountain landscapes, wilder than anything in previous Venetian painting, represent one climax in the development of Venetian landscape painting, at the same time that he was reworking idyllic Giorgionesque motifs in his Venus del Pardo. As far as is known, not one of the Venetian Renaissance painters painted a landscape as an end in itself. That development took place in the seventeenth century. It was the Venetian Renaissance painters who played the major role in the process which led to its acceptance as a legitimate mode of artistic expression. / Arts, Faculty of / Art History, Visual Art and Theory, Department of / Graduate

Review of Selene Scarsi . Translating Women in Early Modern England: Gender in the Elizabethan Versions of Boiardo, Ariosto and Tasso. Anglo-Italian Renaissance Studies Series. Farnham: Ashgate Publishing Limited, 2010. x + 207 pp. index. bibl. $99.95. ISBN: 978–0–7546–6620–2.

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博士(芸術学) / Doctor of Philosophy in Art Theory / 同志社大学 / Doshisha University

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<P> No evaluation of the Renaissance-its culture and texts-is complete without understanding early modem imagination. Yet many modem critics have understated or misunderstood the imagination's importance to the English Renaissance. Misconceptions arise, in part, because our current understanding of imagination has been influenced by Romantic theorists, whose definitions of imagination differ radically from early modem beliefs about the functions and capabilities of the faculty. A comprehensive study of early modem imagination is therefore essential. This thesis undertakes the timely task of analyzing the significance of Renaissance definitions and characteristics of imagination as they are posited in early modem philosophical and medical texts. To early modem English theorists such as Francis Bacon, Robert Burton, and Margaret Cavendish, the physical location of imagination determines its function and significance, its potentially dangerous autonomy is a constant threat, the imagination can disastrously or advantageously influence the body, and it can justify textual novelty and creativity. Studying imagination is incomplete without understanding its expansion in literary texts, for in poetry, drama, and fictional narratives, authors self-consciously employ and debate the characteristics of imagination philosophers, physicians, and theologians were earnestly debating. In The Temple, George Herbert crafts his poetry and his text to metaphorically display and debate the physical position of imagination in the brain. Richard Brome's play, The Antipodes, questions the autonomy of imagination. Can the imagination be controlled, Brome asks, and by what? The Unfortunate Traveller, Thomas Nashe's prose narrative, fleshes out early modem considerations of the imagination's impact on the body of the imaginant and others. Francis Quarles's Emblemes illustrates-literallyRenaissance debates about imagination's influence on originality and creativity. For, in their literary texts, early modem authors use their contemporaries' theories of imagination to justify and test their relationship with, and responsibility to, God, their readers, and themselves. </p> / Thesis / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

The revisions to the biography of Josquin des Prez that followed new archival discoveries in the late 1990s has encouraged critical reappraisal of much of Josquin’s life and works, especially his periods of service in Milan (mid-1480s), Rome (1489 – ca. 1494/95), and Ferrara (1503-4). Yet the period of his life between his departure from Rome and arrival at Ferrara remains a lacuna as regards both his biographical details and his compositional activities. We can be relatively certain that he lived and worked in the orbit of the French royal court of King Louis XII (r. 1498-1515) during some of this time, although exactly when and in what capacity remains unclear. Alongside the gap in Josquin’s biography lies a gap in our understanding of certain consequential developments in style and genre of European sacred polyphony during these years. Early in the sixteenth century, a new iteration of the motet supplanted the polyphonic mass setting as the most widely-transmitted musical genre. The prolix cantus firmus-based motets on neoclassical devotional texts of the fifteenth century were replaced by more transparent and repetitive settings of liturgical and scriptural texts, rarely integrating a cantus firmus at all. Doubtlessly due to their new accessibility, multi-functionality, and the rise of music printing, these motets began to appear in many sources, often with a composer’s name attached—a distinct shift from the one or two often anonymous extant sources for most motets in the second half of the fifteenth century. It has already been suggested that these trends originated early in the century at the French royal court, where court singer-composers such as Jean Mouton, Antoine de Févin, Denis Prioris, and others appear to have played a central role in the development of this new motet style. Josquin, too, contributed to the genre, as a handful of motets in French court sources from ca. 1505-15 attest. This dissertation investigates these questions that follow: (1) When and in what capacity might Josquin have lived and worked in the orbit of the French royal court? (2) What might he have composed during these years, and how does the stylistic profile of that music compare to the music he had written earlier, in Milan and Rome? (3) How does Josquin’s French-court music relate to the music written by his colleagues and immediate successors there? In approaching the music at hand, I analyze motets by Josquin and his French-court contemporaries through the lens of form. We do not talk much about form in this period, insofar as it lacks the regulated conventions that we typically associate with the term as it applies to music from the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Rather, I use the concept of form to describe how Josquin and others organized their motets globally—i.e., in horizontal space from start to finish—vis à vis the texts being set and, when applicable, a long-note cantus firmus. In this dissertation, I demonstrate how Josquin displayed a particular interest in the repetition of text and music—in the form of what I call text-music elements—which manifested itself in various ways for the duration of his career. Second, I examine how Josquin’s particular deployment of this principle manifested itself in the form of literally-repeated paired duos in motets that were circulating at the French royal court in the first decade of the sixteenth century and, as I further argue, were likely composed during his association with the court ca. 1499-1503. Finally, I contextualize these motets of Josquin with those by his peers at the French court chapel, such as Loyset Compere, Jean Mouton, and Antoine de Févin—suggesting that Josquin may have brought to the court an underlying repetitive impulse that led to the coalescence of the consequential “French-court motet.”

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